- Sanskrit Grammar
- 作者：William Dwight Whitney
- 出版社：Dover Publications
- CHAPTER I.
- CHAPTER II.
- CHAPTER III.
- CHAPTER IV.
- CHAPTER V.
- CHAPTER VI.
- CHAPTER VII.
- CHAPTER VIII.
- CHAPTER IX.
- CHAPTER X.
- CHAPTER XI.
- CHAPTER XII.
- CHAPTER XIII.
- CHAPTER XIV.
- CHAPTER XV.
- CHAPTER XVI.
- CHAPTER XVII.
- CHAPTER XVIII.
- SANSKRIT INDEX.
- GENERAL INDEX.
DERIVATION OF DECLINABLE STEMS.
1136. The formation from roots of conjugable stems — namely, tense-stems, mode-stems, and stems of secondary conjugation (not essentially different from one another, nor, it is believed, ultimately from the formation of declined stems) — was most conveniently treated above, in the chapters devoted to the verb. Likewise the formation of adverbs by derivation (not essentially different from case-formation), in the chapter devoted to particles. And the formation of those declinable stems — namely, of comparison, and of infinitives and participles — which attach themselves most closely to the systems of inflection, has also been more or less fully exhibited. But the extensive and intricate subject of the formation of the great body of declinable stems was reserved for a special chapter.
a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exhibition of the subject can be attempted within the here necessary limits: no exhaustive tracing out of the formative elements of every period; still less, a complete statement of the varied uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of origins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of words which must form a part of his labor from the outset, giving a general outline of the field, and preparing for more penetrating investigation.
b. The material from accented texts, and especially the Vedic material, will be had especially in view (nothing that is Vedic being intentionally left unconsidered); and the examples given will be, so far as is possible, words found in such texts with their accent marked. No word not thus vouched for will be accented unless the fact is specifically pointed out.
1137. The roots themselves, both verbal and pronominal, are used in their bare form, or without any added suffix, as declinable stems.
a. As to this use of verbal roots, see below, 1147.
b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially declinable; and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are throughout in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal roots.
1138. Apart from this, every such stem is made by a suffix. And these suffixes fall into two general classes:
A. Primary suffixes, or those which are added directly to roots;
B. Secondary suffixes, or those which are added to derivative stems (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out, and sometimes to particles).
a. The division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the kṛt (more regular) and uṇādi (less regular) suffixes of the Hindu grammarians; the secondary, to their taddhita-suffixes.
1139. But this distinction, though one of high value, theoretically and practically, is not absolute. Thus:
a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary which really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the earliest words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary suffixes to words already derivative.
b. Sundry examples of this will he pointed out below: thus, the gerundival suffixes, tavya, anīya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra, and others. This origin is probable for more cases than admit of demonstration; and it is assumable for others which show no distinct signs of composition.
c. Less often, a suffix of primary use passes over in part into secondary, through the medium of use with denominative "roots" or otherwise: examples are yu, iman, īyas and iṣṭha, ta.
1140. Moreover, primary suffixes are added not only to more original roots, but, generally with equal freedom, to elements which have come to wear in the language the aspect of such, by being made the basis of primary conjugation — and even, to a certain extent, to the bases of secondary conjugation, the conjugation-stems, and the bases of tense-inflection, the tense-stems.
a. The most conspicuous examples of this are the participles, present and future and perfect, which are made alike from tense and conjugation-stems of every form. The infinitives (968 ff.) attach themselves only in sporadic instances to tense-stems, and even from conjugation-stems are made but sparingly earlier; and the same is true of the gerundives.
b. General adjectives and nouns are somewhat widely made from conjugation-stems, especially from the base of causative conjugation: see below the suffixes a (1148 j, k), ā (1149 c, d), ana (1150 m), as (1151 f), ani (1159 b), u (1178 g–i), ti (1157 g), tṛ (1182 e), tnu(1196 b), snu (1194 b), uka (1180 d), āku (1181 d), ālu (1192 b), tu (1161 d).
c. From tense-stems the examples are far fewer, but not unknown: thus, from present-stems, occasional derivatives in a (1148 j), ā (1149 d, e), ana (1150 n), i (1155 d), u (1178 f), ta (1176 e), tu (1161 d), uka (1180 d), tra (1185 e), ti (1157 g), vin (or in: 1232 b, 1183 a); from stems in a s apparently of aoristic character (besides infinitives and gerundives), occasional derivatives in a (1148 j), ana(1150 j), ani (1159 b), an (1160 a), āna (1175), as (1151 c), ī (1156 b), iṣṭha (1184 a), u (1178 f), us (1154 a), tṛ (1182 e), in(1183 a).
1141. The primary suffixes are added also to roots as compounded with the verbal prefixes.
a. Whatever, namely, may have been originally and strictly the mode of production of the derivatives with prefixes, it is throughout the recorded life of the language as if the root and its prefix or prefixes constituted a unity, from which a derivative is formed in the same manner as from the simple root, with that modification of the radical meaning which appears also in the proper verbal forms as compounded with the same prefixes.
b. Not derivatives of every kind are thus made; but, in the main, those classes which have most of the verbal force, or which are most akin in value with infinitives and participles.
c. The occurrence of such derivatives with prefixes, and their accent, will be noted under each suffix below. They are chiefly (in nearly the order of their comparative frequency), besides root-stems, those in a, in ana, in ti, in tar and tra, and in in, ya, van andman, i and u, as, and a few others.
1142. The suffixes of both classes are sometimes joined to their primitives by a preceding union-vowel — that is to say, by one which wears that aspect, and, in our ignorance or uncertainty as to its real origin, may most conveniently and safely be called by that name. The line between these vowels and those deserving to be ranked as of organic suffixal character cannot be sharply drawn.
Each of the two great classes will now be taken up by itself, for more particular consideration.
A. Primary Derivatives.
1143. Form of root. The form of root to which a primary suffix is added is liable to more or less variation. Thus:
a. By far the most frequent is a strengthening change, by guṇa- or vṛddhi-increment. The former may occur under all circumstances (except, of course, where guṇa-change is in general forbidden: 235, 240): thus, véda from √vid, móda from √mud, várdha from √vṛdh;áyana from √i, sávana from √su, sáraṇa from √sṛ; and so on. But the latter is only allowed under such circumstances as leave long āas the resulting vowel: that is to say, with non-final a, and with a final i- or u-vowel and ṛ before a vowel: thus, nādá from √nad,grābhá from √gṛbh or grabh, vāhá from √vah, nāyá from √nī, bhāvá from √bhū, kārá from √kṛ; such strengthening as would make vāidaand māuda does not accompany primary derivation.
b. Strengthening in derivation does not stand in any such evident connection with accent as strengthening in conjugation; nor can any general rules be laid down as to its occurrence; it has to he pointed out in detail for each suffix. So also with other vowel-changes, which are in general accordance with those found in inflection and in the formation of tense- and mode-stems.
c. The reversion of a final palatal or h to a guttural has been already noticed (216). A final n or m is occasionally lost, as in formations already considered.
d. After a short final vowel is sometimes added a t: namely, where a root is used as stem without suffix (1147 d), and before a following y or v of van (1169), vara and varī (1171), yu once (1165 a), and ya (1213 a). The presence of t before these suffixes appears to indicate an original secondary derivation from derivatives in ti and tu.
e. The root is sometimes reduplicated: rarely in the use without suffix (1147 c,e); oftenest before a (1148 k), i (1155 e), u (1178 d); but also before other suffixes, as ā (1149 e), ana (1150 m), vana (1170 a), van and varī (1169 d, 1171 a,b), vani (1170 b), vi (1193),vit (1193 b), ani (1159 b), in (1183 a), tnu (1196 a), ta (1176 a), ti (1157 d), tha (1163 a), tṛ (1182 b), tra (1185 f), ūka (1180 f),aka (1181 a), īka (1186 c), ma (1166 b).
1144. Accent. No general laws governing the place of the accent are to be recognized; each suffix must in this respect be considered by itself.
a. In connection with a very few suffixes is to be recognized a certain degree of tendency to accent the root in case of a nomen actionis or infinitival derivative, and the ending in the case of a nomen agentis or participial derivative: see the suffixes a, ana,as, an, and man, below, where the examples are considered. Differences of accent in words made by the same suffix are also occasionally connected with differences of gender: see the suffixes as and man.
1145. Meaning. As regards their signification, the primary derivatives fall in general into two great classes, the one indicating the action expressed by the verbal root, the other the person or thing in which the action appears, the agent or actor — the latter, either substantively or adjectively. The one class is more abstract, infinitival; the other is more concrete, participial. Other meanings may in the main be viewed as modifications or specializations of these two.
a. Even the words indicating recipience of action, the passive participles, are, as their use also as neuter or reflexive shows, only notably modified words of agency. The gerundives are, as was pointed out above (961 ff.), secondary derivatives, originally indicating only concerned with the action.
1146. But these two classes, in the processes of formation, are not held sharply apart. There is hardly a suffix by which action-nouns are formed which does not also make agent-nouns or adjectives; although there are not a few by which are made only the latter. In treating them in detail below, we will first take up the suffixes by which derivatives of both classes are made, and then those forming only agent-nouns.
a. To facilitate the finding of the different suffixes is given the following list of them, in their order as treated, with references to paragraphs:
tas, nas, sas
vana, -ni, -nu
na, ina, una
tṛ or tar
1147. Stems without suffix; Root-words. These words and their uses have been already pretty fully considered above (323, 348 ff., 383 ff., 400, 401).
a. They are used especially (in the later language, almost solely) as finals of compounds, and have both fundamental values, as action-nouns (frequently as infinitives: 971), and as agent-nouns and adjectives (often governing an accusative: 271 e). As action-nouns, they are chiefly feminines (384; in many instances, however, they do not occur in situations that determine the gender).
b. In a small number of words, mostly of rare occurrence, the reduplicated root is used without suffix.
c. The Vedic cases are: with simple reduplication, sasyád, cikít, dadṛ́h, didyú and didyút, juhū́, and perhaps gán̄gā and çíçu; with intensive reduplication, -nenī́, malimluc, yavīyúdh, and jógū and vánīvan (with the intensive instead of the usual radical accent). Indáridra is seen a transfer to the a-declension. Asūsū́ is probably to be understood as a compound, asū-sū́.
d. If the root end in a short vowel, a t is regularly and usually added (383f–h).
e. Examples have been given at the place just quoted. In jágat the t is added to the mutilated form of √gam reduplicated, and ṛṇayā́t(TS., once) appears to put it after a long vowel. In a single instance, çrútkarṇa (RV.) of listening ears, a stem of this class occurs as prior member of a compound.
f. Words of this form in combination with verbal prefixes are very numerous. The accent rests (as in combination of the same with other preceding elements) on the root-stem.
g. A few exceptions in point of accent occur: thus, ávasā, úpastut; and, with other irregularities of form, párijri, upástha, uparístha.
1148. अ a. With the suffix अ a is made an immensely large and heterogeneous body of derivatives, of various meaning and showing various treatment of the root: guṇa-strengthening, vṛddhi-strengthening, retention unchanged, and reduplication.
In good part, they are classifiable under the two usual general heads; but in part they have been individualized into more special senses.
1. a. With guṇa-strengthening of the root (where that is possible: 235, 240). These are the great majority, being more than twice as numerous as all others together.
b. Many nomina actionis: as, çráma weariness, gráha seizure, áya movement, véda knowledge, háva call, kródha wrath, jóṣa enjoyment, táracrossing, sárga emission.
C. Many nomina agentis: as, kṣamá patient, svajá constrictor, jīvá living, meghá cloud, codá inciting, plavá boat, sará brook, sarpáserpent, bhojá generous, khādá devouring.
d. Of the examples here given, those under b accent the radical syllable, and those under c the ending. And this is in perhaps a majority of cases the fact as regards the two classes of derivatives; so that, taken in connection with kindred facts as to other suffixes, it hints at such a difference of accent as a general tendency of the language. A few sporadic instances are met with of the same form having the one or the other value according to its accent: thus, éṣa haste, eṣá hasting; çā́sa order, çāsá orderer (other examples are coda, çāka, çoka: compare a similar difference with other derivatives in as, ana, an, man). But exceptions are numerous — thus, for example, jayá, javá, smará, action-nouns; çráva, mógha, stáva, agent-nouns — and the subject calls for a much wider and deeper investigation than it has yet received, before the accentuation referred to can be set up as a law of the language in derivation.
2. e. With vṛddhi-strengthening of the root — but only where ā is the resulting radical vowel: that is, of medial a, and of final ṛ(most often), u or ū, i or ī (rare).
f. Examples of action-nouns are: kā́ma love, bhāgá share, nādá noise, dāvá fire, tārá crossing. Very few forms of clear derivation and meaning are quotable with accent on the root-syllable.
g. Examples of agent-nouns are: grābhá seizing, vāhá carrying, nāyá leading, jārá lover.
3. h. With unstrengthened root, the examples are few: e. g. kṛçá lean, turá rapid, yugá yoke, sruvá spoon, priyá dear, vrá troop, çucábright.
i. A number of words of this class, especially as occurring in composition, are doubtless results of the transfer of root-stems to the a-declension: e. g. -ghuṣa, -sphura, -tuda, -dṛça, -vida, -kira.
j. A few a-stems are made, especially in the older language, from conjugation-stems, mostly causative: thus, -āmaya, ilaya, -in̄khaya, -ejaya, -dhāraya, -pāraya, -mṛḍaya, -çamaya (compare the ā-stems, 1149 c,d); also desiderative, as bībhatsa (compare 1038). Occasional examples also occur from tense-stems: thus, from nu-stems, or secondary stems made from such, hinvá, -inva, -jinva, -pinva, -sinva, -sunva, -açnuva; from others, -pṛṇa, -mṛṇa, -stṛṇa, -puna, -jāna, -paçya, -manya, -dasya, -jurya, -kṣudhya, -sya, -tiṣṭha, -jighra, -piba; from future-stems, kariṣya (JB.), janiṣya, bhaviṣya, ruciṣya (?); apparently from aorist-stems, jeṣá, néṣa-, parṣá, pṛkṣá (?), -hoṣa.
4. k. Derivatives in a from a reduplicated root-form are a considerable class, mostly occurring in the older language. They are sometimes made with a simple reduplication: thus, cacará, cikita, dṛdhrá, dadhṛṣá, babhasa, -babhra, vavrá, çiçayá, çiçnátha (an action-noun), sasrá; but oftener with an intensive reduplication: thus, merely strengthened, cākṣmá, -cācala, jāgara, nānada, lālasa,vīvadhá (?), -memiṣa, rerihá and leliha, vevijá, nonuva, momughá, -roruda, lolupa; with consonant added, -can̄kaça-, -can̄krama,jan̄gama, cañcala, -jañjapa, dandhvana, -nannama, -jarjalpa, jarjara, -tartura, -dardira, múrmura, gadgada; dissyllabic, -karikra,kanikradá, carācará and calācalá, marīmṛçá, malimlucá, varīvṛtá, sarīsṛpá, paniṣpadá, saniṣyadá, sanisrasá, patāpata, madāmada, -vadāvada, ghanāghaná. Many of these are to be regarded as from an intensive conjugation-stem; but some of them show a form not met with in intensive conjugation.
5. l. Derivatives with this suffix from roots as compounded with the verbal prefixes are quite common, in all the modes of formation (in each, in proportion to the frequency of independent words): constituting, in fact, considerably the largest body of derivative stems with prefixes. They are of both classes as to meaning. The accent is, with few exceptions, on the ending — and that, without any reference to the value of the stem as action-noun or agent-noun.
m. Examples are: saṁgamá assembly, nimeṣá wink, abhidrohá enmity, anukará assistance, udāná inspiration, pratyāçrāvá response; —paricará wandering, saṁjayá victorious, vibodhá wakeful, atiyājá over-pious, udārá inciting, elevated, uttudá rousing, saṁgiráswallowing, ādardirá crushing, adhican̄kramá climbing.
n. The only definite class of exceptions in regard to accent appears to be that of the adverbial gerunds in am (above, 995), which are accented on the root-syllable. A very few other stems have the same tone: for example, utpā́ta portent, āçréṣa plague. A few others, mostly agent-nouns, have the accent on the prefix: for example, vyòṣa (i. e. ví-oṣa) burning, prátiveça neighbor, ā́bhaga sharing; but also sáṁkāça appearance.
o. For the remaining compounds of these derivatives, with the inseparable prefixes and with other elements, see the next chapter. It may be merely mentioned here that such compounds are numerous, and that the a-derivative has often an active participial value, and is frequently preceded by a case-form, oftenest the accusative.
p. Many words in the language appear to end with a suffix a, while yet they are referable to no root which can be otherwise demonstrated as such.
1149. आ ā. The vast majority of stems in आ ā are feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuters in अ a (332, 334). But also many suffixes ending in अ a have corresponding feminine forms in long आ ā, making a greater or less number of action-nouns. These will be given under the different suffixes below.
a. There is further, however, a considerable body of feminine action-nouns made by adding ā to a root, and having an independent aspect; though they are doubtless in part transfers from the root-noun (1147). Usually they show an unstrengthened form of root, and (such as occur in accented texts) an accented suffix.
b. Examples are īçā́ lordship, krīdā́ play, dayā́ pity, nindā́ reproach, çan̄kā́ doubt, hiṅsā injury, kṣamā patience, kṣudhā hunger, bhāṣāspeech, sevā service, spṛhā eagerness.
c. But especially, such nouns in ā are made in large numbers, and with perfect freedom, from secondary conjugation-stems.
d. Thus, especially from desiderative stems, as jigīṣā́, bhikṣā́, vīrtsā́, bībhatsā́, etc. (see 1038); in the formation of periphrastic perfects, especially from causative stems, but also from desiderative and intensive, and even from primary present-stems (1071 c–f); from denominative stems, in the older language, as açvayā́, sukratūyā́, apasyā́, uruṣyā́, asūyā́, açanayā́, jīvanasyā́, etc., and quite rarely in the later, as mṛgayā.
e. The only example from a reduplicated stem is the late paspaçā; for sūṣā́, ján̄ghā, and jihvā́, which have a reduplicated aspect, are of doubtful origin. From present-stems come icchā and probably -ṛcchā.
1150. अन ana. With this suffix (as with अ a) are formed innumerable derivatives, of both the principal classes of meaning, and with not infrequent specializations. The root has oftenest guṇa-strengthening, but not seldom vṛddhi instead; and in a few cases it remains unstrengthened. Derivatives of this formation are frequent from roots with prefixes, and also in composition with other elements.
a. The normal and greatly prevalent accent is upon the root-syllable, without regard to the difference of meaning; but cases occur of accented final, and a few of accented penult. The action-nouns are in general of the neuter gender. The feminine of adjectives is made either in ā or in ī (for details, see below). And a few feminine action-nouns in anā and anī occur, which may be ranked as belonging to this suffix.
1. b. With strengthened and accented root-syllable. Under this head fall, as above indicated, the great mass of forms.
c. With guṇa-strengthening: examples of action-nouns are sádana seat, rákṣaṇa protection, danā́ giving, cáyana collection, védanaproperty, hávana call, bhójana enjoyment, káraṇa deed, várdhana increase; — of agent-nouns, tápana burning, cétana visible, códanaimpelling.
d. With vṛddhi-strengthening (only in such circumstances that ā remains as vowel of the radical syllable): examples are -cā́tana,nā́çana, mā́dana, -vā́cana, -vā́sana, -vā́hana, sā́dana, -spā́çana, svā́dana, -ā́yana, -yā́vana, -srāvaṇa, -pā́raṇa.
e. From roots with prefixes, the derivatives of this formation are very numerous, being exceeded in frequency only by those made with the suffix a (above, 1148 l, m). A few examples are: ākrámaṇa striding on, udyā́na upgoing, nidhā́na receptacle, prā́ṇana expiration,vimócana release and releasing, saṁgámana assembly and assembler, adhivikártana cutting off, avaprabhráṅçana falling away down. For other compounds of these derivatives, showing the same accent (and the same feminine stem), see the next chapter (below, 1271). A few exceptions occur: vicakṣaṇá, upariçayaná, and the feminines pramandanī́ and nirdahanī́.
f. The adjectives of this formation, simple or compound, make their feminine usually in ī: thus, códanī, pécanī, spáraṇī, jámbhanī;prajñā́nī, prókṣaṇī, saṁgráhaṇī, abhiṣávaṇī, vidháraṇī (cetanī́ is of doubtful meaning: below, i). An adjective compound, however, having a noun in ana as final member, makes its feminine in ā: thus, sūpasarpaṇā́ of easy approach, ṣáḍvidhānā of sextuple order,anapavācanā́ not to be ordered away.
2. The more irregular formations may be classed as follows:
g. With accent on the final: a number of agent-nouns and adjectives, as karaṇá active (against káraṇa act), kṛpaṇá miserable (againstkṛpáṇa misery), tvaraṇá hasting, rocaná shining, kroçaná yelling, svapaná sleepy, kṣayaṇá habitable.
h. These, unlike the preceding class, make their feminine in ā: e. g. tvaraṇā́, spandanā́. A few feminine action-nouns in the older language have the same form: thus, açanā́, asanā́, mananā́, dyotanā́, rodhanā́, çvetanā́, hasanā́ (and compare kapanā́, raçanā́); those of the later language in anā (rather numerous) are doubtful as regards accent.
i. Beside these may be mentioned a few feminines in anī́, of more or less doubtful character: arṣaṇī́, cetanī́ (to cétana), tapanī́ (totápana), pṛçanī́, vṛjanī́ (with vṛjána), rajanī, tedanī́.
j. With accent on the penult: a small number of adjectives: as turáṇa hasting, dohána milking, manána considerate, bhandánā and mandánarejoicing, sakṣáṇa overcoming, and perhaps vakṣáṇa carrying (the last two with aoristic s); and a still smaller number of neuter action-nouns: daṅsána great deed, vṛjána enclosure, town, veṣáṇa service, kṛpáṇa misery (against kṛpaṇá miserable), with the masculinekiráṇa dust.
k. The only noticed example of a feminine is in ā: turáṇā. And a few feminine nouns have the same form: arháṇā, jaráṇā, barháṇā,bhandánā, maṅhánā, mehánā, vadhánā, vanánā, vakṣáṇā. (And compare the anomalous masc. name uçánā: 355 a.)
l. Without strengthening of the root are made a small number of derivatives: thus (besides those already noted, kṛpáṇa and kṛpaṇá,vṛjána and vṛjanī́, kiráṇa, turáṇa), further accented examples are úraṇa, dhúvana, pṛ́çana, bhúvana, vṛ́jana, vṛ́ṣaṇa, -súvana; and later are found sphuraṇa, sphuṭana, spṛhaṇa, -hnuvana, likhana, rudana, etc. RV. makes denominatives from riṣaṇa-, ruvaṇa-, vipana-, huvana-.
m. Stems in ana are made also from secondary conjugation-stems: thus, from desideratives, as cikitsana (see 1038); from causatives, ashāpana, bhīṣaṇa (see 1051 g); from denominatives, with great freedom, in the later language, as ākarṇana, unmūlana, çlakṣṇana, cihnana; from intensives and other reduplicated stems, only can̄kramaṇa, jan̄gamana, jāgaraná, yoyupana.
n. A few isolated cases may be further mentioned: from tense-stems, -jighraṇa, -ūrṇavana, -paçyana, yacchana, -siñcana; from prepositions, antaraṇa and sámana; astamana from the quasi-prefix (1092 b) astam. Feminines in anā of doubtful connection are yóṣaṇāwoman (beside yóṣan, yoṣā, etc.) and pṛ́tanā.
1151. अस् as. By this suffix are made (usually with guṇa-strengthening of the root- vowel) especially a large class of neuter nouns, mostly abstract (action-nouns), but sometimes assuming a concrete value; and also, in the older language, a few agent-nouns and adjectives, and a considerable number of infinitives.
a. The accent in words of the first class is on the root, and in the second on the ending; and in a few instances words of the two classes having the same form are distinguished by their accent; the infinitives have for the most part the accent on the suffix.
1. b. Examples of the first and principal class are: ávas aid, favor, tápas warmth, práyas pleasure, téjas splendor, çrávas fame, dóhasmilking, káras deed, práthas breadth, cétas and mánas mind, cákṣas eye, sáras pond, vácas speech.
c. A few words of this class are of irregular formation: thus, without strengthening of the root, júvas quickness (beside jávas), úrasbreast, mṛ́dhas contempt; and iras- (irasy-) and vipas-, and the adverbs tirás, mithás, huras-, also çíras head, are to be compared; — with vṛddhi-strengthening, -vā́cas, vā́sas, vā́has, -svādas, and, of doubtful connections, pā́jas, pā́thas, and -hāyas; — perhaps with an aoristic s, héṣas missile; — pī́vas contains a v apparently not radical.
d. After final ā of a root is usually inserted y before the suffix (258): thus, dhā́yas, -gā́yas. But there are in the oldest language apparent remains of a formation in which as was added directly to radical ā: thus, bhā́s and -dās (often to be pronounced as two syllables), jñā́s, mā́s; and -dhas and -das, from the roots dhā and dā.
2. e. The instances in which an agent-noun is differentiated by its accent from an action-noun are: ápas work, and apás active; yáçasbeauty, and yaçás beauteous; táras quickness, and tarás (VS., once) quick; távas strength, and tavás strong; dúvas worship, and duváslively (?); máhas greatness, and mahás great; between rákṣas n. and rakṣás m., both meaning demon, and between tyájas n. abandonment (?)and tyajás m. descendant (?), the antithesis is much less clear.
f. Adjectives in ás without corresponding abstracts are: toçás bestowing, yajás offering, vedhás pious, probably āhanás heady; and a few other words of isolated occurence, as veçás, dhvarás. From a denominative stem is made mṛgayás wild animal (RV., once).
g. But there are also a very few cases of abstract nouns, not neuter, accented on the ending: thus, jarás old age, bhiyás fear; and doubtless also havás call, and tveṣás impulse. The feminine uṣás dawn, and doṣás night, might belong either here or under the last preceding head.
h. Apparently containing a suffix as are the noun upás lap, and certain proper names: án̄giras, nodhás, bhalānás, arcanānás, naciketas. The feminine apsarás nymph is of doubtful derivation.
i. The irregular formation of some of the words of this division will be noticed, without special remark.
3. j. The infinitives made by the suffix as have been explained above (973): they show various treatment of the root, and various accent (which last may perhaps mark a difference of gender, like that between sáhas and jarás).
4. k. The formation of derivatives in as from roots compounded with prefixes is very restricted — if, indeed, it is to be admitted at all. No infinitive in as occurs with a prefix; nor any action-noun; and the adjective combinations are in some instances evidently, and in most others apparently, possessive compounds of the noun with the prefix used adjectively: the most probable exceptions are -nyókasand víṣpardhas. As in these examples, the accent is always on the prefix.
l. Certain Vedic stems in ar may be noticed here, as more or less exchanging with stems in as, and apparently related with such. They were reported above, at 169 a.
In connection with this, the most common and important suffix ending in s, may be best treated the others, kindred in office and possibly also in origin, which end in the same sibilant.
1152. तस् tas, नस् nas, सस् sas. With these suffixes are made an extremely small number of action-nouns. Thus:
a. With tas are made rétas seed, and srótas stream.
b. With nas are made ápnas acquisition, árṇas wave, -bhárṇas offering, rékṇas riches; and in dráviṇas wealth, and párīṇas fulness is apparently to be seen the same suffix, with prefixed elements having the present value of union-vowels. Probably the same is true ofdámūnas house-friend, and ṛ́jūnas (RV.) n. pr., uçánas (or -nā) n. pr.
c. With sas is perhaps made vápsas beauty; and tárūṣas may be mentioned with it (rather tarus-a?). 1153. इस् is. With the suffix is is formed a small number (about a dozen) of nouns.
a. They are in part nouns of action, but most are used concretely. The radical syllable has the guṇa-strengthening, and the accent is on the suffix (except in jyótis light, vyáthis, and ā́mis, raw meat). Examples are: arcís, rocís, and çocís light, chadís or chardís cover,barhís straw, vartís track, sarpís butter, havís oblation, dyotis light, and kravís raw flesh. Avis-, pā́this, bhrājis-, and máhis- are isolated variants of stems in as; and túvis-, çucis-, and surabhis- appear inorganically for tuvi etc. in a few compounds or derivatives.
1154. उस् us. With this suffix are made a few words, of various meaning, root-form, and accent.
a. They are words signifying both action and agent. A few have both meanings, without difference of accent: thus, tápus heat and hot;árus wound and sore; cákṣus brightness and seeing, eye; vápus wonderful and wonder. The nouns are mostly neuter, and accented on the root-syllable: thus, ā́yus, tárus, púrus, múhus (? only adverbial), míthus (do.), yájus, çā́sus; exceptions are: in regard to accent,janús birth; in regard to gender, mánus man, and náhus, proper name. Of adjectives, are accented on the ending jayús, vanús, and dakṣúsburning (which appears to attach itself to the aorist-stem).
1155. इ i. With this suffix are formed a large body of derivatives, of all genders: adjectives and masculine agent-nouns, feminine abstracts, and a few neuters. They show a various form of the root: strong, weak, and reduplicated. Their accent is also various. Many of them have meanings much specialized; and many (including most of the neuters) are hardly to be connected with any root elsewhere demonstrable.
1. a. The feminine action-nouns are of very various form: thus, with weak root-form, rúci brightness, tvíṣi sheen; kṛṣí ploughing, nṛtídance; — with guṇa-strengthening (where possible), rópi pain, çocí heat, vaní and saní gain; — with vṛddhi-strengthening, grā́hiseizure, dhrā́ji course, ājí race; from √duṣ comes dū́ṣi (compare dūṣayati, 1042 b). The variety of accent, which seems reducible to no rule, is illustrated by the examples given. The few infinitively used words of this formation (above, 975 b) have a weak root-form, with accent on the ending.
2. b. The adjectives and masculine agent-nouns exhibit tho same variety. Thus:
c. With unstrengthened root: çúci bright, bhṛ́mi lively (√bhram), gṛ́bhi container. d. With unstrengthened root (or root incapable ofguṇa-change): arí enemy, máhi great, arcí beam, granthí knot, krīḍí playing; with vṛddhi-increment, kā́rṣi, jā́ni, -dhāri, çā́ri, sācí,sādi, -sāhi, and a few words of obscure connections: thus, drāpí mantle, rāçí heap, pāṇí hand, etc. The isolated -ānaçi appears to come from the perfect-stem (788) of √aç.
e. With reduplicated root. This is in the older language a considerable class, of quite various form. Thus: with weak or abbreviated root, cákri, jághri (√ghar), pápri, sásri, -amri, babhrí, vavrí, jágmi, -jájñi (√jan), -tatni, jághni, sásni, súṣvi, -çiçvi; and, with displacement of final ā (or its weakening to the semblance of the suffix), dadí, papí, yayí (with a case or two from yayī́), -jajñi,dádhi; — from the ur-form of roots in changeable ṛ, jáguri, táturi, pápuri (púpuri SV.); — with simple reduplication, cíkiti, yúyudhi,vívici; — with strengthened reduplication, -cācali, tā́tṛpi, dā́dhṛṣi, vā́vahi, sāsahí, tū́tuji and tūtují, yū́yuvi, yū́yudhi; and jarbháriand bámbhāri. And karkarí lute and dundubhí drum have the aspect of belonging to the same class, but are probably onomatopoetic. The accent, it will be noticed, is most often on the reduplication, but not seldom elsewhere (only once on the root). It was noticed above (271 f) that these reduplicated derivatives in i not seldom take an object in the accusative, like a present participle.
f. Formations in i from the root compounded with prefixes are not at all numerous. They are accented usually on the suffix. Examples arc: āyají, vyānaçí, nijaghní, parādadí, viṣāsahí; but also ājā́ni, āmúri, vívavri. As compounded with other preceding words, the adjectives or agent-nouns in i are not rare, and are regularly accented on the root: see the next chapter, 1276.
g. From √dhā comes a derivative -dhi, forming many masculine compounds, with the value both of an abstract and a concrete: thus, with prefixes, antardhí, uddhí, nidhí, paridhí, etc. From √dā is made in like manner ādi beginning, and from √sthā, pratiṣṭhí resistance. Opinions are at variance as to whether such forms are to be regarded as made with the suffix i, displacing the radical ā, or with weakening of ā to i.
3. h. Neuter nouns in i are few, and of obscure derivation: examples are ákṣi eye, ásthi bone, dádhi curds, etc.
1156. ई ī. Stems in ई ī (like those in आ ā, above, 1149) are for the most part feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuters of other terminations.
a. Thus, feminines in ī are made from a-stems (332, 334: and see also the different suffixes), from i-stems (344, 346), from u-stems (344 b), from ṛ-stems (376 a), and from various consonant-stems (378 a).
b. But there are also a few stems in ī wearing the aspect of independent derivatives. Examples are dakṣī, dehī́, nadī́, nāndī́, péṣī,vakṣī́ (apparently with aoristic a), veçī́, çā́kī, çácī, çámī, çímī, tarī, vāpī; they are either action-nouns or agent-nouns. In the later language (as noticed at 344 a) there is very frequent interchange of i- and ī-stems and the forms from them.
c. In the oldest language there are even a few masculines in ī. They were noticed, and their inflection illustrated, above, at 355 b, 356.
1157. ति ti. This suffix forms a large class of frequently used feminine nouns of action; and also a few agent-nouns (masculine) and adjectives. The root has in general the same form as before the suffix त ta of the passive participle (952 ff.) — that is to say, a weak, and often a weakened or abbreviated, form.
a. The accent ought, it would appear, in analogy with that of the participle, to rest always upon the suffix; but in the recorded condition of the language it does so only in a minority of cases: namely, about fifty, against sixty cases of accent an the radical syllable, and a hundred and forty of undetermined accent; a number of words — iti, ṛti, citti, tṛpti, pakti, puṣṭi, bhūti, bhṛti,vṛṣṭi, çakti, çruṣṭi, sṛṣṭi, sthiti — have both accentuations.
1. b. Examples of the normal formation are: rātí gift, ūtí aid, rītí flow, stutí praise, bhaktí division, viṣṭí service, stutí praise,kīrtí fame, pūrtí bestowal, matí thought, pītí drink (√pā; pple pīta), dhāutí stream (√dhāv; pple dhāuta); — and with accented root,gáti motion, çā́ṁti repose, díti division (√dā; pple ditá), dṛ́ṣṭi sight, íṣṭi offering (√yaj: pple iṣṭá), úkti speech (√vac: ppleuktá), vṛ́ddhi increase.
c. The roots which form their participle in ita (956) do not have the i also before ti: thus, only gúpti, -dṛpti. A few roots having their participle in na instead of ta (957) form the abstract noun also in ni (below, 1158). And from the roots tan and ran occur tantíand ránti, beside the more regular tati and ráti; also áhanti (once; VS.) beside áhati. From roots having the form dā, the derivative in composition is sometimes -tti (for dāti, with loss of radical vowel: compare the participle-form -tta, above, 955 f): thus, niravatti(K.), samprátti (ÇB.), páritti (TB.), vásutti, bhágatti, maghátti (all RV.).
d. A few derivatives are made from reduplicated roots; their accent is various: thus, carkṛtí, dī́dhiti and -dī́diti, jígarti, and perhaps the proper name yayā́ti; also jágdhi from √jakṣ (233 f).
e. Derivatives from roots with prefixes are numerous, and have (as in the case of the participles in ta, and the action-nouns in tu) the accent on the prefix: examples are ánumati, abhī̀ti, ā́huti, nírṛti, vyā̀pti, sáṁgati. The only exceptions noticed are āsaktí and āsutí, and abhiṣṭí (beside abhíṣṭi). In other combinations than with prefixes, the accentuation is in general the same: see the next chapter (1274).
2. f. The adjectives and agent-nouns — which, as masculines, are to be connected with these rather than with the feminine abstracts — are very few: thus, pū́ti putrid, váṣṭi eager, dhū́ti shaker, jñātí relative, pattí footman, páti master; and a few others, of more or less dubious character. The accent is various, as in the other class.
3. g. A few words show the suffix ti preceded by various vowels, union- or stem-vowels. The ordinary intermediate i of the ta-participle etc. is seen in sániti, ujhiti, -gṛhīti (ī, as usual with this root: 900 b), paṭhiti, bhaṇiti; and with them may be mentioned the adjective ṛ́jīti, the proper names turvī́ti and dabhī́ti, and snī́hitī and snéhitī, notwithstanding their long final. With ati are made a few derivatives, variously accented: thus, the action-nouns aṅhatí, dṛçatí, pakṣatí, mithatí, vasatí, ramáti, vratáti, amáti and ámati, -dhrajati; and the agent-words aratí, khalatí, vṛkáti, rámati, dahati. In some of these is to be seen with probability a stem-vowel, as also in jánayati and rasayati (and RV. has gopayátya). The grammarians' method of representing a root by its 3d sing. pres. indic., declining this as a ti-stem, begins in the older language: e. g. étivant (TB.), kṣetivant (AB.), yajati and juhoti and dadāti (S.),nandati (MBh.). The feminine yúvati young, maiden is of isolated character.
h. In some of the words instanced in the last paragraph, ti is perhaps applied as a secondary suffix. A kindred character belongs to it in the numeral derivatives from pronominal roots, káti, táti, yáti, and from numerals, as daçati, viṅçatí, ṣaṣṭí, etc., with pan̄ktí(from páñca); in padāti; and in addhātí, from the particle addhā́.
1158. नि ni. This suffix agrees in general in its uses and in the form of its derivatives with the preceding; but it makes a very much smaller number of words, among which the feminine abstracts are a minority.
a. As was noticed above (1157 c), a few verbs (ending in vowels) making their passive participle in na instead of ta make their action-noun in ni instead of ti. From the older language are quotable jyāní injury, jūrní heat, hāni abandonment (and the masculines ghṛ́ṇi andjī́rṇi); later occur glāni, -mlāni, sanni-.
b. Words of the other class are: açni eating, -uṣṇi burning, váhni carrying, jū́rṇi singing, tū́rṇi hasty, bhū́rṇi excited, dharṇísustaining, preṇí loving, vṛṣṇí and vṛ́ṣṇi virile; and with them may be mentioned pṛ́çni speckled.
c. In preṇí, yóni, mení, çréṇi, çróṇi is seen a strengthening of the radical syllable, such as does not appear among the derivatives inti.
d. Derivatives in ni from roots with prefixes do not appear to occur.
e. In hrādúni and hlāduni we have a prefixed u. In the words ending in ani, the a has probably the same value with that of ati (above, 1157 g); but ani has gained a more independent status, and may be best treated as a separate suffix.
1159. अनि ani. The words made by this suffix have the same double value with those made by the preceding suffixes. Their accent is various. Thus:
a. Feminine action-nouns, sometimes with concreted meaning: as, iṣáṇi impulse, çaráṇi injury, dyotaní brightness, kṣipaṇí blow, açánimissile, vartaní track; and -arçani, udani-, jaraṇi-.
b. Adjectives and other agent-words are: aráṇi fire-stick, caráṇi movable, cakṣáṇi enlightener, taráṇi quick, dhamáni pipe, dhvasániscattering, vakṣáṇi strengthener, saraṇi track. Dharaṇi and one or two other late words are probably variants to stems in anī. From a reduplicated root-form comes -paptani. From desiderative stems are made rurukṣáṇi, siṣāsáni, and (with prefix) ā-çuçukṣáṇi. And a small number of words appear to attach themselves to an s-aorist stem: thus, parṣáṇi, sakṣáṇi, carṣaṇí.
c. It is questionable whether the infinitives in ṣaṇí (978) are to be put here, as accusatives of a formation in ani, or under the next suffix, as locatives of a formation in an, from roots and stems increased by an aoristic s.
1160. अन् an. Not many words are made with a suffix of this form, and of these few are plainly to be connected with roots. Certain rare neuters (along with the doubtful infinitives) are nouns of action; the rest are masculine and neuter agent-nouns. The accent is various.
a. The infinitives which admit of being referred to this suffix, as locative cases, are those in ṣáṇi, of which the sibilant may be the final of a tense-stem. They are all given above (978).
b. The other action-nouns in an are mahán greatness, rāján authority (RV., once: compare rā́jan; the accent-relation is the reverse of the usual one), and gámbhan depth (VS., once); and PB. has kṣepṇā once.
c. Agent-nouns (in part of doubtful connection) are: ukṣán ox, cákṣan eye, tákṣan carpenter, dhvasán proper name, pūṣán name of a god,majján marrow, rā́jan king, vṛ́ṣan virile, bull, sághan, snīhán (snūhan Āpast.); also -gman, jmán, -bhvan, -çvan, with çván, yúvan,yóṣan, and the stems áhan, ū́dhan, etc. (430–4), filling up the inflection of other defective stems.
d. With prefixes occur pratidī́van and átidīvan, vibhván, níkāman.
1161. तु tu. The great mass of the words of this formation are the infinitives — accusatives in the later language, in the earlier likewise datives and ablative-genitives: see above, 970 b, 972, But a few are also used independently, as action-nouns or with concreted meaning; and an extremely small number, of somewhat questionable character, appear to have the value of agent-words. They are of all genders, but chiefly masculine. The root has the guṇa-strengthening.
a. The infinitive words are accented on the radical syllable when simple, and most of the others have the same accent; but a few have the tone on the ending.
b. Examples are: of the regular formation, masc. dā́tu share, jātu- birth, dhā́tu element, tántu thread, mántu counsel, ótu weft, sātureceptacle, sétu tie, sótu pressure, also krátu capacity, and sáktugrits; fem. vástu morning; neut, vastu thing, vā́stu abode; — with accent on the ending, aktú ray, jantúbeing, gātú way and song, yātú (?) demon, hetú cause, ketú banner (all masc.); — with unstrengthened root, ṛtú season, pitú drink, sū́tu birth, and apparently kṛ́tu (in kṛ́tvas times): with vṛddhi-strerigthening, vā́stu(above). Agent-nouns appear to be dhā́tu drinkable and kroṣṭu jackal.
c. The infinitives in tu have (968) often the union-vowel i before the suffix, and this in a few cases is lengthened to ī. In other use occur also -stárītu and -dhárītu (both with dus), -hávītu (with su); turphárītu seems of the same formation, but is obscure.
d. In a few instances, the suffix tu appears to be added to a tense- or conjugation-stem in a; thus, edhatú and vahatú; tamyatú andtapyatú; and siṣāsátu. The accent of the last is paralleled only by that of jīvā́tu life, which is further exceptional in showing a longā; it is used sometimes in the manner of an infinitive.
1162. नु nu. This suffix forms a comparatively small body of words, generally masculine, and having both the abstract and the concrete value.
a. The accent is usually on the ending, and the root unstrengthened.
b. Thus: kṣepnú jerk, bhānú light (later sun), vagnú sound, sūnú son, dā́nu (with irregular accent) m. f. demon, n. drop, dew; — dhenúf. cow; — gṛdhnú hasty, tapnú burning, trasnu fearful, dhṛṣṇú bold; — and víṣṇu Vishnu, and perhaps sthāṇú pillar. Compare also suffix tnu, 1196 a.
c. This also (like tu) appears sometimes with a prefixed a: thus, kṣipaṇú missile, krandanú and nadanú roaring, nabhanú (and -nū́, f.)fountain, vibhañjanú (only instance with prefix) breaking to pieces; and perhaps the proper names dāsanu and kṛçā́nu belong here.
1163. थ tha. The words made with this suffix are almost without exception action-nouns (though some have assumed a concrete value). They are of all genders. The root is of a weak (or even weakened) form, and the accent usually on the suffix.
a. Thus: masc., -itha going, ártha goal, -kṛtha making, gāthá song, pakthá n. pr., bhṛthá offering, -yātha road, -çītha lying down,çotha swelling, sīktha sediment; and, of less clear connections, yūthá herd, rátha chariot; — neut., ukthá saying, tīrthá ford, nīthásong, rikthá heritage, and apparently pṛṣṭhá back; — fem. (with ā), gā́thā song, nī́thā way. Radical ā is weakened to ī in gī́tha songand -pītha drink and -pītha protection; a final nasal is lost in -gatha going and hathá slaying. In vijigīthá (ÇB.; but BAU. -īta) is apparently seen a formation from a reduplication of √jī, victorious.
b. A few examples of combination with prefixes occur, with accent on the final: thus, nirṛthá destruction, saṁgathá union, etc.
c. Still more common in the older language is a form of this suffix to which has become prefixed an á, which is probably of thematic origin, though become a union-vowel. Thus: -anátha breathing, ayátha foot, carátha mobility, tveṣátha vehemence, and so prothátha,yajátha, ravátha, vakṣátha, ucátha, vidátha, çaṅsatha, çapátha, çayátha, çvayátha, çvasátha, sacátha, stanátha, stavátha, sravátha, and, with weak root-form, ruvátha; the later language adds karatha, taratha, çamatha, savatha. With a prefix, the accent is thrown forward upon the final: thus, āvasathá abode, pravasathá absence; but prāṇátha breath is treated as if prān were an integral root.
d. Isolated combinations of tha with other preceding vowels occur: thus, várūtha protection, járūtha wasting (?); and matútha (√man?).
1164. थु thu. This suffix (like थ tha, above) has an अ á attached to it, and, in the very few derivatives which it makes, appears only as अथु áthu.
a. The only Vedic examples are ejáthu quaking, vepáthu trembling, stanáthu roaring. Later cases are nandáthu (TS.), nadathu (U.),kṣavathu (S.), davathu, bhraṅçathu, majjathu, vamathu, çvayathu, sphūrjathu.
1165. यु yu. With this suffix are made a very few nouns, both of agent and of action, with unstrengthened root and various accent. Thus:
a. Abstracts (masc.) are manyú wrath, mṛtyú death (with t added to the short final of the root).
b. Adjectives etc. are druhyú n. pr., bhujyú pliable, mucyu (GB. i. 1.7), çundhyú pure; yájyu pious, sáhyu strong, dásyu enemy; and, with vṛddhi-strengthening, jāyú victorious.
c. For other derivatives ending in yu, see the suffix u, below, 1178 h, i.
1166. म ma. The action-nouns made by this suffix are almost all masculine; and they are of various root-form and accent, as are also the agent-nouns and adjectives.
a. Examples of action-nouns are: ajmá course, gharmá heat; éma progress, bhā́ma brightness, sárna flow, stóma song of praise.
b. Examples of agent-nouns etc. are: tigmá sharp, bhīmá terrible, çagmá mighty, idhmá fuel, yudhmá warrior. A single instance from a reduplicated root is tūtumá powerful. Sarámā f., with a before the suffix, is of doubtful connection.
c. A number of stems in ma have stems in man beside them, and appear, at least in part, to be transfers from the an- to the a-declension. Such are ajma, oma, ema, arma, tókma, darmá, dhárma, narmá, yā́ma, yugma, vema, çuṣma, sóma, sárma, hóma.
1167. मि mi. A very small number of nouns, masculine and feminine, formed with mi, may be conveniently noticed here.
Thus, from ṛ-roots, ūrmí wave, -kūrmi action, sūrmī́ f. tube; from others, jāmí relation, bhū́mi or bhū́mī f. earth, lakṣmī́ sign; also probably raçmí line, ray; and the adjective krúdhmi (? RV., once).
1168. मन् man. The numerous derivatives made with this suffix are almost only action-nouns. The great majority of them are neuter, and accented on the root-syllable; a much smaller number are masculine, and accented on the suffix. The few agent-words are, if nouns, masculine, and have the latter accent: in several instances, a neuter and a masculine, of the one and the other value and accent, stand side by side. The root has in general the guṇa-strengthening.
1. a. Examples of regularly formed neuters are: kárman action, jánman birth, nā́man name, vártman track, véçman dwelling, hómansacrifice, -dyótman splendor.
b. Examples of masculine abstracts are: omán favor, ojmán strength, jemán conquest, svādmán sweetness, hemán impulse.
c. Corresponding neuter action-nouns and masculine agent-nouns are: bráhman worship and brahmán priest; dā́man gift and dāmán giver;dhárman rule and dharmán orderer; sádman seat and sadmán sitter. But óman friend stands in the contrary relation to omán m. favor. Very few other agent-nouns occur; and all, except brahmán, are of rare occurrence.
d. On the other hand, jeman and varṣman and svādman (and variman) have the difference of gender and accent without a corresponding difference of meaning.
e. The noun áçman stone, though masculine, is accented on the radical syllable; and two or three other questionable cases of the same kind occur.
f. The derivatives in man used as infinitives (974) have for the most part the accent of neuters: the only exception is vidmáne.
g. A few words, of either class, have an irregular root-form: thus, údman, ūṣmán or uṣman, bhū́man earth, bhūmán abundance, syū́man,sīmán, bhujmán, vidmán, çíkman, çuṣman, sidhman; and kā́rṣman, bhā́rman, çā́kman.
h. Derivatives in man from roots with prefixes are not numerous. They are usually accented on the prefix, whether action-nouns or adjectives: thus, prábharman forthbringing, práyáman departure; ánuvartman following after: the exceptions, vijā́man, prativartmán,visarmán, are perhaps of possessive formation.
2. i. The same suffix, though only with its abstract-making value, has in a number of cases before it a union-vowel, i or ī; and imáncomes to be used as a secondary suffix, forming abstract nouns (masculine) from a considerable number of adjectives.
j. The neuters in iman and īman are primary formations, belonging almost only to the older language: thus, jániman, dhariman (M.),váriman (beside varimán, as noticed above); and dárīman, dhárīman, párīman (and páreman SV., once), bhárīman, várīman, sárīman,stárīman, sávīman, and hávīman. Those in īman are hardly met with outside the Rig-Veda.
k. The masculines in imán are in the oldest language less frequent than the neuters just described: they are tániman (?), jarimán,prathimán, mahimán, varimán (beside the equivalent váriman and várīman), varṣimán (beside the equivalent várṣman and varṣmán), harimán, and drāghimán (VS.) beside drāghmán (V.B.). Some of these, as well as of the derivatives in simple man, attach themselves in meaning, or in form also, to adjectives, to which they seem the accompanying abstracts: compare the similar treatment of the primary comparatives and superlatives (above, 468): such are pāpmán (to pāpá, pā́pīyas etc.); drāghmán etc. (to dīrghá, drā́ghīyas, etc.); váriman etc. (tourú, várīyas, etc.); práthiman (to pṛthú, práthiṣṭha); harimán (to hári or hárita); várṣman etc. (to várṣīyas etc.); svā́dman etc. (tosvādú, svā́dīyas, etc.). Then in the Brāhmaṇa language are found further examples: thus, dhūmrimán (TS. K.), draḍhimán (MS. K.: todṛdhá, dráḍhīyas, etc.), aṇimán (ÇB.; and áṇiman n. bit), sthemán, stháviman (n. big piece), taruṇiman (K.), paruṣiman (AB.), abaliman(ChU.), lohitiman (KB.); and still later such as laghiman, kṛṣṇiman, pūrṇiman, madhuriman, çoṇiman, etc., etc.
1169. वन् van. By this suffix are made almost only agent-words, adjectives and nouns, the latter chiefly masculines. The root is unstrengthened, and to a short final vowel is added a त् t before the suffix. The accent is almost always on the root, both in the simple words and in their compounds.
a. The insertion of t is an intimation that the words of this form are originally made by the addition of an to derivatives in u and tu; yet van has the present value of an integral suffix in the language, and must be treated as such.
b. Examples of the usual formation are: masc. yájvan offering, drúhvan harming, çákvan capable, -ríkvan leaving, -jítvan conquering,sútvan pressing, kṛ́tvan active, -gátvan (like -gat, -gatya) going, sátvan (√san) warrior; neut. párvan joint, dhánvan bow. Irregular, with strengthened root, are árvan courser, -yāvan (? AV.) driving off; and, with accent on the suffix, dṛván (? VS.) and vidván (? AV.).
c. Examples from roots with prefixes (which are not rare) are: atītvan excelling, upahásvan reviler, sambhṛ́tvan collecting; and perhapsvivásvan shining: abhísatvan is a compound with governing preposition (1310). For the compounds with other elements, which, except in special cases, have the same accent, see below, 1277.
d. The stems muṣīván robber and sanítvan (each RV., once) are the only ones with a union-vowel, and are perhaps better regarded as secondary derivatives — of which a few are made with this suffix: see below, 1234. From a reduplicated root are made rárāvan andcikitván (and possibly vivásvan).
e. Action-nouns made with the suffix van are only the infinitival words mentioned at 974 — unless bhurváṇi (RV., once) is to be added, as locative of bhurván.
f. The feminines corresponding to adjectives in van are not made (apparently) directly from this suffix, but from vara, and end in varī; see below, 1171 b.
1170. वन vana, वनि vani, वनु vanu. The very few words made with these suffixes may best be noticed here, in connection with वन् van (of which the others are probably secondary extensions).
a. With vana are made vagvaná talkative, satvaná warrior (beside sátvan, above); and, from a reduplicated root, çuçukvaná shining.
b. With vani are made from simple roots turváṇi excelling, and bhurváṇi restless, and, from reduplicated roots, çuçukváni shining,dadhṛṣváṇi daring, tuturváṇi striving after, and jugurváṇi praising; arhariṣváṇi is obscure.
c. With vanu is made only vagvanú tone, noise.
1171. वर vara. With this suffix are made a few derivatives, of all genders, having for the most part the value of agent-nouns and adjectives. Much more common are the feminine stems inवरी varī, which, from the earliest period, serve as corresponding feminines to the masculine stems inवन् van.
a. A few masculine adjectives in vará occur, formally accordant (except in accent) with the feminines: thus, itvará going, -advaraeating; and so, further, in the older language, īçvará, -jāvara, phárvara, bhārvará, bhāsvará, vyadhvará (?), -sadvara, sthāvará, and doubtless with them belongs vidvalá; later, -kasvara, gatvara, ghasvara (also ghasmara), -jitvara, naçvara, pīvara, madvara, -sṛtvara; from a reduplicated root, yāyāvará (B. and later). Many of these have feminines in ā.
b. The feminines in varī accord in treatment of the root and in accent with the masculines in van to which they correspond: thus,yájvarī, -jítvarī, sṛ́tvarī, -çī́varī, -yāvarī, and so on (about twenty-five such formations in RV.); from a reduplicated root, -çiçvarī.
c. A very small number of neuters occur, with accent on the root: thus, kárvara deed, gáhvara (later also gabhvara) thicket; and a feminine or two, with accent on the penult: urvárā field, and urvárī tow (both of doubtful etymology).
We take up now the suffixes by which are made only stems having the value of agent-nouns and adjectives; beginning with a brief mention of the participial endings, which in general have been already sufficiently treated.
1172. अन्त् ant (or अत् at). The office of this suffix, in making present and future participles active, has been fully explained above, in connection with the various tense-stems and conjugation-stems (chaps. VIII.–XIV.), in combination with which alone it is employed (not directly with the root, unless this is also used as tense-stem).
a. A few words of like origin, but used as independent adjectives, were given at 450. With the same or a formally identical suffix are made from pronominal roots íyant and kíyant (451, 517 a). And ádvayant not double-tongued (RV., once), appears to contain a similar formation from the numeral dvi — unless we are to assume a denominative verb-stem as intermediate.
1173. वांस् vāṅs (or वस् vas). For the (perfect active) participles made with this suffix, see above, 802–6, and 458 ff.
a. A few words of irregular and questionable formation were noticed at 462, above. Also, apparent transfers to a form us or uṣa. RV. vocalizes the v once, in jujuruā́n.
b. The oldest language (RV.) has a very few words in vas, of doubtful relations: ṛ́bhvas and çíkvas skilful (beside words in va and van), and perhaps khidvas (√khād). The neuter abstract várivas breadth, room (belonging to urú broad, in the same manner with várīyas andvarimán), is quite isolated. MBh. makes a nominative pīvān, as if from pīvāṅs instead of pīvan.
1174. मान māna. The participles having this ending are, as has been seen (584 b), present and future only, and have the middle, or the derived passive, value belonging in general to the stems to which the suffix is attached.
1175. आन āna. The participles ending in आन āna are of middle and passive value, like those just noticed, and either present, perfect, or (partly with the form सान sāna: above, 897 b) aorist.
a. A few other words ending in the same manner in the old language may be mentioned here. The RV. has the adjectives tákavāna,bhṛ́gavāṇa, vásavāna, ūrdhvasāná, apparently made on the model of participial stems. Also the proper names ápnavāna, pṛ́thavāna, andcyávāna and cyávatāna. Párçāna abyss is doubtful; rujā́nā (RV., once) is probably a false reading; ā́pnāna is of doubtful character.
1176. त ta. The use of this suffix in forming participles directly from the root, or from a conjugational (not a tense) stem, was explained above, 952–6. The participles thus made are in part intransitive, but in great part passive in value (like those made by the two preceding suffixes, but in much larger measure, and more decidedly).
a. A few general adjectives, or nouns with concrete meaning, are adaptations of this participle. Examples are: tṛṣṭá rough, çītá cold,dṛḍhá (for dṝḍhá: 224 a) firm; dūtá messenger, sūtá charioteer; ṛtá right, gḥṛtá ghee, jātá kind, dyūtá gambling, nṛttá dance, jīvitálife, caritá behavior, smita smile. The adjective tigitá (RV.) sharp shows anomalous reversion of palatal to guttural before the i (216 d). Vāvā́ta dear is a single example from a reduplicated root.
b. Doubtless after the example and model of participles from denominative stems (of which, however, no instances are quotable from the Veda — unless bhāmita RV.), derivatives in ita are in the later language made directly from noun and adjective-stems, having the meaning of endowed with, affected by, made to be, and the like (compare the similar English formation in ed, as horned, barefooted,bluecoated). Examples are rathita furnished with a chariot, duḥkhita pained, kusumita flowered, durbalita weakened, niḥsaṁçayitaindubitable, etc. etc.
c. A few words ending in ta are accented on the radical syllable, and their relation to the participial derivatives is very doubtful: such are ásta home, márta mortal, vā́ta wind; and with them may be mentioned gárta high seat, nákta night, hásta hand. Vratá is commonly viewed as containing a suffix ta, but it doubtless comes from √vṛt (vrat-á, like tradá, vrajá) and means originally course.
d. Several adjectives denoting color end in ita, but are hardly connectible with roots of kindred meaning: thus, palitá gray, ásitablack, róhita and lóhita red, hárita green; akin with them are éta variegated, çyetá white. The feminines of these stems are in part irregular: thus, énī and çyénī; róhiṇī and lóhinī, and háriṇī (but the corresponding masc. háriṇa also occurs); and ásiknī, páliknī, and háriknī.
e. A small number of adjectives in the older language ending in ata are not to be separated from the participial words in ta, although their specific meaning is in part gerundive. They are: pacatá cooked, darçatá and paçyata seen, to be seen, worth seeing; and so yajatá,haryatá, bharatá. The y of paçyata and haryatá indicates pretty plainly that the a also is that of a present tense-stem. Rajatá silveryis of more obscure relation to √raj color; párvata mountain must be secondary.
1177. न na (and इन ina, उन una). The use of the suffix न na in forming from certain roots participles equivalent to those in त ta, either alongside the latter or instead of them, was explained above, at 957.
a. With the same suffix are made a number of general adjectives, and of nouns of various gender (fem. in nā). The accent is on the suffix or on the root. A few examples are: uṣṇá hot, çuná fortunate, áçna ravenous, çvítna white; masc., praçná question, yajñáoffering, ghṛṇá heat, várṇa color, svápna sleep; neut., parṇá wing, rátna jewel (?); fem. tṛ́ṣṇa thirst, yācn̄ā́ supplication. But many of the stems ending in na are not readily connectible with roots. An antithesis of accent is seen in kárṇa ear and karṇá eared.
b. The few words ending in ina are of doubtful connection, but may be mentioned here: thus, aminá violent, vṛjiná crooked, dákṣiṇaright, dráviṇa property, druhiṇa, çreṣiṇa, hariṇá; and kanī́na may be added.
c. The words ending in una are of various meaning and accent, like those in ana: they are árjuna, karúṇa, -cetúna, táruṇa, dāruṇá,dharúṇa, narúṇa, píçuna, mithuná, yatúna, vayúna, varuṇa, çalúna, and the feminine yamúnā; and bhrūṇá may be added.
d. These are all the proper participial endings of the language. The gerundives, later and earlier, are in the main evident secondary formations, and will be treated under the head of secondary derivation.
We take up now the other suffixes forming agent-nouns and adjectives, beginning with those which have more or less a participial value.
1178. उ u. With this suffix are made a considerable body of derivatives, of very various character — adjectives, and agent-nouns of all genders, with different treatment of the root, and with different accent. It is especially used with certain conjugational stems, desiderative (particularly later) and denominative (mainly earlier), making adjectives with the value of present participles; and in such use it wins in part the aspect of a secondary suffix.
a. The root has oftenest a weak (or weakened) form; but it is sometimes vriddhied; least often (when capable of guṇa), it has the guṇa-strengthening — all without any apparent connection with either accent or meaning or gender. After final radical ā is usually added y(258) before the suffix. A few derivatives are made from the reduplicated root. But many words ending in u are not readily, or not at all, connectible with roots; examples will be given especially of those that have an obvious etymology.
b. Examples of ordinary adjectives are: urú wide, ṛjú straight, pṛthú broad, mṛdú soft, sādhú good, svādú sweet, tápu hot, vásu good;jāyú conquering, dārú bursting; çayú lying, réku empty; dhāyú thirsty, pāyú protecting. Final ā appears to be lost before the suffix in -sthu (suṣṭhú, anuṣṭhú), and perhaps in yú, -gu (agregú), and -khu (ākhú).
c. Examples of nouns are: masc., aṅçú ray, ripú deceiver, vāyú wind-god, ásu life, mánu man, Manu; fem., íṣu (also masc.) arrow, síndhu(also masc.) river, tanū́ or tanú body; neut., kṣú food.
d. Derivatives from reduplicated roots are: cikitú, jágmu, jigyú, jijñu, siṣṇu, -tatnu (unless this is made with nu or tnu), didyu (?),dadru, yáyu or yayú and yíyu (with final ā lost), pípru (proper name), -dīdhayu; and títaü, babhrú, -raru (aráru), malimlú (?) have the aspect of being similar formations.
e. A few derivatives are made from roots with prefixes, with various accentuation: for example, upāyú on-coming, pramayú going to destruction, viklíndu a certain disease, abhī́çu rein (director), sáṁvasu dwelling together.
f. From tense-stems, apparently, are made tanyú thundering, bhindú splitting, -vindu finding, and (with aoristic s) dákṣu and dhákṣu(all RV.).
g. Participial adjectives in ú from desiderative "roots" (stems with loss of their final a) are sufficiently numerous in the ancient language (RV. has more than a dozen of them, AV. not quite so many) to show that the formation was already a regular one, extensible at will; and later such adjectives may be made from every desiderative. Examples (older) are: ditsú, dipsú, cikitsú, titikṣú, pipīṣu,mumukṣú, iyakṣú, çiçlikṣú; with prefix, abhidipsú; with anomalous accent, didṛ́kṣu. These adjectives, both earlier and later, may take an object in the accusative (271 a).
h. A few similar adjectives are made in the older language from causatives: thus, dhārayú (persistent), bhājayú, bhāvayú, maṅhayú,mandayú, çramayú; and mṛgayú from the caus.-denom. mṛgáya.
i. Much more numerous, however, are such formations from the more proper denominatives, especially in the oldest language (RV. has toward eighty of them; AV. only a quarter as many, including six or eight which are not found in RV.; and they are still rarer in the Brāhmaṇas, and hardly met with later). In a majority of cases, personal verbal forms from the same denominative stem are in use: thus, for example, to aghāyú, arātīyú, ṛjūyú, caraṇyú, manasyú, saniṣyú, uruṣyú, saparyú; in others, only the present participle in yánt, or the abstract noun in yā́ (1149 d), or nothing at all. A few are made upon denominative stems from pronouns: thus, tvāyú (beside tvāyántand tvāyā́), yuvayú or yuvāyú, asmayú, svayú, and the more anomalous ahaṁyú and kiṁyú. Especially where no other denominative forms accompany the adjective, this has often the aspect of being made directly from the noun with the suffix yu, either with a meaning ofseeking or desiring, or with a more general adjective sense: thus, yavayú seeking grain, varāhayú boar-hunting, stanasyú desiring the breast; ūrṇāyú woolen, yuvanyú youthful, bhīmayú terrible. And so the "secondary suffix yu" wins a degree of standing and application as one forming derivative adjectives (as in ahaṁyú and kiṁyú, above, and doubtless some others, even of the RV. words). In three RV. cases, the final as of a noun-stem is even changed to o before it: namely, aṅhoyú, duvoyú (and duvoyā́; beside duvasyú), áskṛdhoyu. j. The words in yu do not show in the Veda resolution into iu (except dhāsiús AV., once).
1179. ऊ ū. Stems in ऊ ū are very few, even as compared with those in ई ī (1156). They are for the most part feminines corresponding to masculines in u (344 b), with half-a-dozen more independent feminines (see 355 c).
a. To those already mentioned above are to be added karṣū́ pit, -calū (in puṁçcalū́), -janū (in prajanū́), çumbhū́.
1180. उक uka. With this suffix are made derivatives having the meaning and construction (271 g) of a present participle. The root is strengthened, and has the accent.
a. The derivatives in uka are hardly known in the Veda; but they become frequent in the Brāhmaṇas, of whose language they are a marked characteristic (about sixty different stems occur there); and they are found occasionally in the older language. In all probability, they are originally and properly obtained by adding the secondary suffix ka (1222) to a derivative in u; but they have gained fully the character of primary formations, and in only an instance or two is there found in actual use an u-word from which they should be made.
b. The root is only so far strengthened that the radical syllable is a heavy (79) one; and it has the accent, whether the derivative is made from a simple root or from one with prefix.
c. Examples, from the Brāhmaṇa language, are: vā́duka, nā́çuka, upakrā́muka, prapā́duka, upasthāyuka (258), vyāyuka, véduka, bhā́vuka,kṣódhuka, hā́ruka, várṣuka, samárdhuka, dáṅçuka, ālambuka, çikṣuka (GB.: RV. has çikṣú), pramā́yuka (ṢB. has pramāyu).
d. Exceptions as regards root-form are: nirmā́rguka (with vṛddhi-strengthening, as is usual with this root: 627), -kasuka, ṛdhnuka (from a tense-stem; beside árdhuka). AV. accents sáṁkasuka (ÇB. has saṁkásuka) and víkasuka; RV. has sānuká (which is its only example of the formation, if it be one; AV. has also ghā́tuka from √han, and ápramāyuka); vasuká (TS. et al.) is probably of another character.Açanāyuka (PB. et al.) is the only example noticed from a conjugation-stem.
e. Of later occurrence are a few words whose relation to the others is more or less doubtful: kārmuka and dhārmuka, tsāruka, tarkuka,nānduka, pādukā, pecuka, bhikṣuka, lāṣuka, seduka, hiṇḍuka, hreṣuka. Of these, only lāṣuka appears like a true continuer of the formation; several are pretty clearly secondary derivatives.
f. A formation in ūka (a suffix of like origin, perhaps, with uka) may be mentioned here: namely, indhūka, majjūka, and, from plicated roots, jāgarū́ka wakeful, jañjapūka (later) muttering, dandaçū́ka biting, yāyajū́ka sacrificing much, vāvadūka (later) talkative;salalū́ka is questionable.
1181. अक aka. Here, as in the preceding case, we doubtless have a suffix made by secondary addition of क ka to a derivative in अ a; but it has, for the same reason as the other, a right to be mentioned here. Its free use in the manner of a primary suffix is of still later date than that of uka; it has very few examples in the older language.
a. In RV. is found (besides pāvaká, which has a different accent, and which, as the metre shows, is really pavāka) only sā́yaka missile;AV. adds pī́yaka and vádhaka, and VS. abhikróçaka. But in the later language, such derivatives are common, more usually with raising of the root-syllable by strengthening to heavy quantity: thus, nāyaka, dāyaka (258), pācaka, grāhaka, bodhaka, jāgaraka; but also janaka,khanaka. They are declared by the grammarians to have the accent on the radical syllable. They often occur in copulative composition with gerundives of the same root: thus, bhakṣyabhakṣaka eatable and eater, vācyavācaka designated and designation, and so on.
b. That the derivatives in aka sometimes take an accusative object was pointed out above (271 c).
c. The corresponding feminine is made sometimes in akā or in akī, but more usually in ikā: thus, nāyikā (with nāyakā), pācikā, bodhikā; compare secondary aka, below, 1222.
d. Derivatives in āka are made from a few roots: thus, jalpāka, bhikṣāka; but very few occur in the older language: thus, pavāka (above, a), nabhāka, smayā́ka, jáhāka (?), -calāka, patākā. With āku is made in RV. mṛḍayā́ku, from the causative stem: pṛ́dāku and the proper name íkṣvāku are of obscure connection.
e. Derivatives in ika and īka will be treated below, in connection with those in ka (1186 c).
1182. तृ tṛ (or तर् tar). The derivatives made by this suffix, as regards both their mode of formation and their uses, have been the subject of remark more than once above (see 369 ff., 942 ff.). Agent-nouns are freely formed with it at every period of the language; these in the oldest language are very frequently used participially, governing an object in the accusative (271 d); later they enter into combination with an auxiliary verb, and, assuming a future meaning, make a periphrastic future tense (942). Their corresponding feminine is in trī.
a. The root has regularly the guṇa-strengthening. A union-vowel i (very rarely, one of another character) is often taken: as regards its presence or absence in the periphrastic future forms, see above (943 a).
b. Without guṇa-change is only úṣṭṛ plough-ox (no proper agent-noun: apparently úkṣ-tṛ: compare the nouns of relationship further on). The root grah has, as usual, ī — thus, grahītṛ́; and the same appears in -tarītṛ́, -pavītṛ́, -marītṛ́, -varītṛ, -savītṛ. An u-vowel is taken instead by tárutṛ and tarutṛ́, dhánutṛ, and sánutṛ; long in varūtṛ́; strengthened to o in manótṛ and manotṛ́. From a reduplicated root comes vāvā́tṛ.
c. The accent, in the older language, is sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the root; or, from roots combined with prefixes, sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the prefix.
d. In general, the accent on the root or prefix accompanies the participial use of the word; but there are exceptions to this: in a very few instances (four), a word with accented suffix has an accusative object; very much more often, accent on the root appears along with ordinary noun value. The accent, as well as the form, of manótṛ is an isolated irregularity. Examples are: jétā dhánāni winning treasures; yūyám mártaṁ çrótāraḥ ye listen to a mortal; but, on the other hand, yaṁtā́ vásūni vidhaté bestowing good things on the pious; and jétā jánānām conqueror of peoples.
e. The formation of these nouns in tṛ from conjugation-stems, regular and frequent in the later language, and not very rare in the Brāhmaṇas, is met with but once or twice in the Veda (bodhayitṛ́ and codayitrī́, RV.). In néṣṭṛ a certain priest (RV. and later), is apparently seen the aoristic s.
f. The words of relationship which, in whatever way, have gained the aspect of derivatives in tṛ, are pitṛ́, mātṛ́, bhrā́tṛ, yā́tṛ,duhitṛ́, náptṛ, jā́mātṛ. Of these, only mātṛ́ and yā́tṛ are in accordance with the ordinary rules of the formation in tṛ.
g. Instead of tṛ is found tur in one or two RV. examples: yaṁtúr, sthātúr.
h. Apparently formed by a suffix ṛ (or ar) are usṛ́, savyaṣṭhṛ, nánāndṛ, devṛ́, the last two being words of relationship. For other words ending in ṛ, see 369.
1183. इन् in. This is another suffix which has assumed a primary aspect and use, while yet evidently identical in real character with the frequent secondary suffix of the same form denoting possession (below, 1230).
a. How far it had gained a primary value in the early language is not easy to determine. Most of the words in in occurring in RV. and AV. are explainable as possessives; in many the other value is possible, and in a few it is distinctly suggested: thus, kevalādín, bhadravādín, nitodín, āçārāiṣín, ánāmin, vivyādhín; from a tense-stem, -açnuvin, -paçyin (late); with aoristic s, -sakṣín; and, with reduplication, niyayín, vadāvadin. As the examples indicate, composition, both with prefixes and with other elements, is frequent; and, in all cases alike, the accent is on the suffix.
b. Later, the primary employment is unquestionable, and examples of it, chiefly in composition, are frequent. The radical syllable is usually strengthened, a medial a being sometimes lengthened and sometimes remaining unchanged. Thus, satyavādin truth-speaking,abhibhāṣin addressing, manohārin soul-winning. In bhāvin has established itself a prevailingly future meaning, about to be.
c. The use of an accusative object with words in in was noticed above (271 b).
1184. ईयस् īyas and इष्ठ iṣṭha. These suffixes, which, from forming intensive adjectives corresponding to the adjective of root-form, have come to be used, within somewhat narrow limits, as suffixes of adjective comparison, have been already sufficiently treated above, under the head of comparison (466–470).
a. It may be further noticed that jyéṣṭha has in the older language (only two or three times in RV.) the accent also on the final,jyeṣṭhá, and that its correlative also is kaniṣṭhá in the oldest language; párṣiṣṭha is made from a secondary form of root, with aoristic s added.
b. When the comparative suffix has the abbreviated form yas (470 a), its y is never to be read in the Veda as i.
c. No other suffixes make derivatives having participial value otherwise than in rare and sporadic cases; those that remain, therefore, will be taken up mainly in the order of their frequency and importance.
1185. त्र tra. With this suffix are formed a few adjectives, and a considerable number of nouns, mostly neuter, and often having a specialized meaning, as signifying the means or instrument of the action expressed by the root. The latter has usually the guṇa-strengthening, but sometimes remains unchanged. The accent is various, but more often on the radical syllable.
a. Here, as in certain other cases above, we have doubtless a suffix originally secondary, made by adding a to the primary tṛ or tar(1182); but its use is in great part that of a primary suffix.
b. Examples of neuter nouns are: gā́tra limb, páttra wing, pā́tra cup, yóktra bond, vástra garment, çrótra ear; astrá missile, stotrásong of praise, potrá vesel; of more general meaning, dáttra gift, kṣétra field, mū́tra urine, hotrá sacrifice. The words accented on the final have often an abstract meaning: thus, kṣatrá authority, rāṣṭrá kingdom, çāstrá doctrine, sattrá sacrificial session (alsojñā́tra knowledge).
c. Masculines are: dáṅṣṭra tusk, mántra prayer, attrá (or atrá: 232) devourer, úṣṭra buffalo, camel, and a few of questionable etymology, as mitrá friend, putrá son, vṛtrá foe. Mitrá and vṛtrá are sometimes neuters even in the Veda, and mitra comes later to be regularly of that gender.
d. Feminines (in trā) are: áṣṭrā goad, mā́trā measure, hótrā sacrifice (beside hotrá), daṅṣṭrā (later, for dáṅṣṭra); nāṣṭrā́ destroyer.
e. Not seldom, a "union-vowel" appears before the suffix; but this is not usually the equivalent of the union-vowel used with tṛ (above, 1182 a). For the words in itra have the accent on i: thus, arítra (áritra AV., once) impelling, oar, khanítra shovel, pavítra sieve,janítra birth-place, sanítra gift; and so -avitra, açítra, carítra, -taritra, dhamitra, dhavítra, bhavítra, bharítra, vāditra (with causative root-strengthening), vahitra: the combination ítra has almost won the character of an independent suffix. The preceding vowel is also in a few cases a (sometimes apparently of the present-stem): thus, yájatra venerable, kṛntátra shred, gāyatrá (f. -trī́) song, -damatra, pátatra wing; but also ámatra violent, vádhatra deadly weapon; and varatrā́ f. strap. Tárutra overcoming corresponds to tarutṛ́.Nákṣatra asterism is of very doubtful etymology. Saṁskṛtatrá (RV., once) seems of secondary formation.
f. The words still used as adjectives in tra are mostly such as have union-vowels before the suffix. A single example from a reduplicated root is johū́tra crying out.
g. A word or two in tri and tru may be added here, as perhaps of kindred formation with those in tra: thus, áttri devouring, arcátribeaming, rā́tri or rā́trī night; çátru (çáttru: 232) enemy.
1186. क ka. The suffix क ka is of very common use in secondary derivation (below, 1222); whether it is directly added to roots is almost questionable: at any rate, extremely few primary derivatives are made with it.
a. The words which have most distinctly the aspect of being made from roots are puṣka-, -meka (√mi fix), yaska n. pr., çúṣka dry, çlóka(√çru hear} noise, report, etc., and -sphāka teeming; and stúkā flake and stoká drop seem to belong together to a root stu; rākā́ f., n. pr., may be added.
b. But ka enters, in its value as secondary, into the composition of certain suffixes reckoned as primary: see aka and uka (above, 1180, 1181).
c. A few words in which ika and īka seem added to a root, though they are really of a kindred formation with the preceding, may be most conveniently noticed here: thus, vṛ́çcika (√vraçc) scorpion; ánīka (?) face, dṛ́çīka aspect, dṛ́bhīka n. pr., mṛḍīká grace, vṛdhīkáincreaser, ā́çarīka and víçarīka gripes, -ṛjīka beaming, ṛṣīka; ṛkṣī́kā; and, from reduplicated root, parpharī́ka scattering (?). Compare secondary suffix ka (below, 1222).
1187. य ya. It is altogether probable that a part of the derivatives made with this suffix are not less entitled to be ranked as primary than some of those which are above so reckoned. Such, however, are with so much doubt and difficulty to be separated from the great mass of secondary derivatives made with the same suffix that it is preferred to treat them all together under the head of secondary formation (below, 1210–13).
1188. र ra. With this suffix are made a large number of adjectives, almost always with weak root-form, and usually with accent on the suffix. Also, a few words used as nouns, of various gender. In some cases, the suffix is found with a preceding vowel, having the aspect of a union-vowel.
a. Examples of adjectives in ra are: kṣiprá quick, chidrá split, turá strong, bhadrá pleasing, çakrá mighty, çukrá bright, hiṅsráinjurious; with accent on the root, only gṛ́dhra greedy, túmra stout, dhī́ra wise (secondary?), vípra inspired, túgra n. pr.
b. From roots with prefixes come only an example or two: thus, nicirá attentive, nímṛgra joining on.
c. Nouns in ra are: masc., ájra field, vīrá man, vájra thunderbolt, çū́ra hero; neut., ágra point, kṣīrá milk, rándhra hollow, riprádefilement; fem., dhā́rā stream, çíprā jaw, súrā intoxicating drink.
The forms of this suffix with preceding vowel may best be considered here, although some of them have nearly or quite gained the value of independent endings. Thus:
d. With ara are made a few rare words: the adjectives dravará running, patará flying, (with prefix) nyocará suiting; and the nounsgambhára depth, tásara and trasara shuttle, sánara gain, -ṛkṣara thorn; bhārvará and vāsará are doubtless of secondary formation; and the same thing may be plausibly conjectured of others. As made with āra may be mentioned mandāra a tree, mārjāra cat.
e. With ira are made a few words, some of which are in common use: thus, ajirá quick, khadirá a tree, timira dark, dhvasirá stirring up,madirá pleasing, mudira cloud, badhirá deaf, rucira bright, iṣirá lively, ásira missile, sthávira firm; and sthira hard, and sphirá fat, with displacement of final radical ā; also sarirá wave (usually salilá). With īra are made gabhīrá or gambhīrá profound and çávīramighty, and perhaps çárīra body.
f. With ura are made a few words, of some of which the secondary character is probable: thus, aṅhurá (aṅhu-ra?) narrow, ásura (ásu-ra?)living, chidura tearing, bhan̄gurá breaking, bhāsura shining, bhidura splitting, medura fat, yādura uniting, vithura tottering, viduraknowing, vidhura lacking. With ūra, apparently, are made sthūrá stout (compare sthávira), kharjū́ra a tree,