- Sanskrit Grammar
- 作者：William Dwight Whitney
- 出版社：Dover Publications
- CHAPTER I.
- CHAPTER II.
- CHAPTER III.
- CHAPTER IV.
- CHAPTER V.
- CHAPTER VI.
- CHAPTER VII.
- CHAPTER VIII.
- CHAPTER IX.
- CHAPTER X.
- CHAPTER XI.
- CHAPTER XII.
- CHAPTER XIII.
- CHAPTER XIV.
- CHAPTER XV.
- CHAPTER XVI.
- CHAPTER XVII.
- CHAPTER XVIII.
- SANSKRIT INDEX.
- GENERAL INDEX.
1096. The indeclinable words are less distinctly divided into separate parts of speech in Sanskrit than is usual elsewhere in Indo-European language — especially owing to the fact that the class of prepositions hardly has a real existence, but is represented by certain adverbial words which are to a greater or less extent used prepositionally. They will, however, be briefly described here under the usual heads.
1097. Adverbs by Suffix. Classes of adverbs, sometimes of considerable extent, are formed by the addition of adverb-making suffixes especially to pronominal roots or stems, but also to noun and adjective stems.
a. There is no ultimate difference between such suffixes and the case-endings in declension; and the adverbs of this division sometimes are used in the manner of cases.
1098. With the suffix tas are made adverbs having an ablative sense, and not rarely also an ablative construction. Such are made:
a. From pronominal roots, in átas, itás, tátas, yátas, kútas, amútas, svatas (not found earlier); from the pronominal stems in t or d(494) of the personal pronouns: thus, mattás (only example in V.), tvattas, asmattas, yuṣmattas; and from pronominal derivatives: thus,itarátas, katarátas.
b. From noun and adjective stems of every class, since the earliest period, but more freely later: e. g. mukhatás, agratás, ṛbhutás,ṛktás, hṛttás, çīrṣatás, janmatas, nastás, yajuṣṭas, pārátas, anyátas, anyatarátas, sarvátas, dakṣiṇatás, abhīpatás (once, in RV., from a case-form: patsutás).
c. From a few prepositions: thus, abhítas, parítas, ántitas.
d. Examples of ablative construction are: áto bhū́yaḥ (RV.) more than that; tátaḥ ṣaṣṭhā́t (AV.) from that sixth; áto ‘nyéna (ÇB.) with any other than this; sarvato bhayāt (AGS.) from all fear; kutaç cid deçād āgatya (H.) arriving from some region or other; purād itaḥ(R.) from this city; tasmāt pretakāyataḥ (KSS.) from that dead body.
e. But the distinctive ablative meaning is not infrequently effaced, and the adverb has a more general, especially a locative, value: thus, agratás in front; asmatsamīpatas in our presence; dharmatas in accordance with duty; chāgatas (H.) with reference to the goat;guṇato ‘dhikaḥ (M.) superior in virtue.
1099. With the suffix tra (in the older language often trā) are made adverbs having a locative sense, and occasionally also a locative construction.
a. These adverbs are very few, compared with those in tas. They are formed chiefly from pronominal stems, and from other stems having a quasi-pronominal character: namely, in tra, átra, tátra, yátra, kútra, amútra, anyátra, viçvátra, sarvátra, ubhayátra, aparatra,uttaratra, itarátra, anyataratra, pūrvatra, paratra, samānátra, ekatra, anekatra, ekāikatra; in trā, asmatrā́, satrā́, purutrā́,bahutrā́, dakṣiṇatrā́. But a few in trā come from ordinary nouns: thus, devatrā́, martyatrā́, puruṣatrā́, manuṣyatrā́, pākatrā́,çayutrā́, kurupañcālatrā́. Those in trā are distinguished from the others by their accent.
b. Examples of locative construction are: hásta ā́ dakṣiṇatrā́ (RV.) in the right hand; yátrā́ ’dhi (RV.) in which; ekatra puruṣe (MBh.)in a single man; atra mārātmake (H.) in this murderous creature; prabhutvaṁ tatra yujyate (H.) sovereignty befits him. And, as the locative case is used also to express the goal of motion (304), so the adverbs in tra have sometimes an accusative as well as a locative value: thus, tatra gaccha go there or thither; pathó devatrā́ yā́nān (RV.) roads that go to the gods.
1100. One or two other suffixes of locality are:
a. ha, in ihá here, kúha where? and the Vedic viçváha (also viçváhā, viçvā́hā) always (compare below, 1104b); and ihá (like átra etc.:1099 b) is sometimes used with locative-case value: e. g. iha samaye (H.) at this conjuncture.
b. tāt, which is added to words having already a local or directive value: thus, to adverbial accusatives, prā́ktāt, údaktāt, tā́vattāt; to adverbial ablatives, ārā́ttāt, uttarā́ttāt, parākā́ttāt; and to prepositional adverbs, paçcā́tāt, adhā́stāt, avástāt, parástāt,purástāt, bahíṣṭāt. Apparently by analogy with these last, the suffix has the form stāt in upáriṣṭāt (and BhP. has udastāt).
c. hi, in uttarā́hi (ÇB.) and dakṣiṇāhi (not quotable).
1101. By the suffix thā are made adverbs of manner, especially from pronominal roots or stems.
a. Thus, táthā, yáthā; kathā́ and itthā́ (by the side of which stand kathám and itthám; and ÇB. has itthā́t); and the rare imáthā andamúthā. And átha (V. often áthā) so then doubtless belongs with them. Further, from a few adjective and noun stems, mostly of quasi-pronominal character: thus, viçváthā, sarváthā, anyáthā, ubhayáthā, aparathā, itaráthā, yataráthā, yatamáthā, katarathā, katamathā,pūrváthā, pratnáthā, ūrdhváthā, tiraçcáthā, ekathā (JB.), ṛtuthā́, nāmáthā (once, AV.); and eváthā.
b. Yáthā becomes usually toneless in V., when used in the sense of iva after a noun forming the subject of comparison: thus, tāyávo yathā (RV.) like thieves.
1102. One or two other suffixes of manner are:
a. ti, in íti thus, very commonly used, from the earliest period, especially as particle of quotation, following the words quoted.
b. Examples are: brahmajāyé ’yám íti céd ávocan (RV.) if they have said "this is a Brahman's wife"; táṁ devā́ abruvan vrā́tya kíṁ nú tiṣṭasī́ ’ti (AV.) the gods said to him: Vrātya, why do you stand?" Often, the iti is used more pregnantly: thus, yáḥ çraddádhāti sánti devā́ íti (AV.) whoever has faith that the gods exist; taṁ vyāghram munir mūṣiko ‘yam iti paçyati (H.) the sage looks upon that tiger as being really a mouse; yūyaṁ kim iti sīdatha (H.) why (lit. alleging what reason) do you sit?
c. But iti is sometimes used in a less specialized way, to mark an onomatopœia, or to indicate a gesture: e. g. bahíṣ ṭe astu bā́l íti(AV.) let it come out of you with a splash; íty ágre kṛṣáty áthé ’ti (ÇB.) he ploughs first this way, then this way; or it points forward to something to be said: e. g. yan nv ity āhur anyāni chandāṅsi varṣīyāṅsi kasmād bṛhaty ucyata iti (PB.) when now they say thus: "the other metres are greater; why is the bṛhatī spoken?" It also makes a number of derivatives and compounds: e. g. ititha the so-many-eth; itivat in this fashion; ityartham for this purpose; itihāsa a story or legend (lit. thus forsooth it was). As to the use of a nominative with iti as predicate to an accusative, see 268 b.
d. With the suffix of íti is to be compared that of táti etc. (519). The word is abbreviated to ti two or three times in ÇB.
e. va in iva (toneless) like, as, and evá (in V. often evā́), earlier thus, later a particle emphasizing the preceding word; for thus is used later the related evám, which hardly occurs in RV., and in AV. only with √vid: as, evám vidvā́n knowing thus.
f. In later Vedic (AV. etc., and the later parts of RV.) iva more often counts for only a single syllable, ’va.
1103. a. By the suffix dā are made adverbs of time, but almost only from pronominal roots.
b. Thus, tadā́, yadā́, kadā́ (in RV. also kádā), idā́ (only in V.); and sádā, beside which is found earlier sádam. Besides these, in the older language, only sarvadā́; later a few others, anyadā, ekadā, nityadā. A quasi-locative case use is seen occasionally in such phrases as kadācid divase (R.) on a certain day.
c. By the perhaps related dānīm are made idā́nīm, tadā́nīm, viçvadā́nīm, tvadānīm (toneless). Viçvadā́ni occurs as adjective in TB.
d. With rhi are made, from pronominal roots, tárhi, etárhi, yárhi, kárhi, amúrhi.
e. The suffix di, found only in yádi if, is perhaps related with dā, in form as in meaning. Sadadí (MS.) is of doubtful character.
1104. By the suffix dhā are formed adverbs especially from numerals, signifying -fold, times, ways, etc.
a. Thus, ekadhā́, dvidhā́ (also dvídhā and dvedhā́), trídhā (in the older language usually tredhā́), ṣaḍḍhā́ (also ṣoḍhā́ and ṣaḍdhā),dvādaçadhā́, ekānnaviṅçatidhā́, sahasradhā́, and so on. Also, naturally, from words having a quasi-numeral character: thus, anekadhā,katidhā́, tatidhā́, bahudhā́, purudhā́, viçvádhā, çaçvadhā́, aparimitadhā, yāvaddhā́, etāvaddhā́, māsadhā. In a very few cases, also from general noun and adjective stems: thus, mitradhā́ (AV.), priyadhā́ (TS.; predhā́, MS.), ṛjudhā́ (TB.), urudhā and citradhā (BhP.); and from one adverb, bahirdhā́.
b. The particle ádha or ádhā, a Vedic equivalent of átha, probably belongs here (purudhá and viçvádha, with shortened final, occur a few times in RV.); also addhā́ in truth; and perhaps sahá with, which has an equivalent sadha- in several Vedic compounds. And the other adverbs in ha (1100 a) may be of like origin.
1105. From a few numerals are made multiplicative adverbs with s: namely, dvís, trís, and catúr (probably, for catúrs): 489 a.
a. The corresponding word for once, sakṛ́t, is a compound rather than a derivative; and the same character belongs still more evidently to pañcakṛ́tvas, navakṛ́tvas, aparimitakṛ́tvas, etc., though kṛt and kṛtvas are regarded by the native grammarians as suffixes; the earlier texts (AV. ÇB. MS.) have saptá kṛ́tvas, dáça kṛ́tvas, dvā́daça kṛ́tvas, aṣṭā́v evá kṛ́tvas, etc. AB. has the redundant combinationtriṣ kṛtvah.
b. The quasi-suffix dyus, from a case-form of div day, is in a similar manner added to various determining-words, generally made to end in e: e. g. anyedyús another day, ubhayedyus (AV. -yadyús) on either day, pūrvedyús the day before.
1106. By the suffix çás are made, especially from numeral or quantitative stems, many adverbs of quantity or measure or manner, generally used distributively.
a. Examples are: ekaçás one by one, çataçás by hundreds, ṛtuçás season by season, pacchas foot by foot, akṣaraçás syllable by syllable,gaṇaçás in crowds, stambaçás by bunches, paruççás limb by limb, tāvacchás in such and such number or quantity: and, in a more general way, sarvaçás wholly, mukhyaças principally, kṛchraças stingily, manmaçás as minded.
1107. By the suffix vát are made with great freedom, in every period of the language, adverbs signifying after the manner of, like, etc.
a. Thus, an̄girasvát like Angiras, manuṣvát (RV.) as Manu did, jamadagnivát after the manner of Jamadagni; pūrvavát or pratnavát orpurāṇavát, as of old, kākatālīyavat after the fashion of the crow and the palm-fruit.
b. This is really the adverbially used accusative (with adverbial shift of accent: below, 1111 g) of the suffix vant ( 1233 f), which in the Veda makes certain adjective compounds of a similar meaning: thus, tvā́vant like thee, mā́vant of my sort, etc.
1108. By the suffix sāt are made from nouns quasi-adverbs signifying in or into the condition or the possession of what is indicated by the noun; they are used only with verbs of being, of becoming, and of making: namely, oftenest kṛ and bhū, but also as, gam, yā, and nī(and, according to the grammarians, sam-pad). Some twenty-five examples are quotable from the later literature; but none from the earlier, which also appears to contain nothing that casts light upon the origin of the formation. The s of sāt is not liable to conversion into ṣ. The connection with the verb is not so close as to require the use of the gerund in ya instead of that in tvā (990); and other words are sometimes interposed between the adverb and verb.
a. Examples are: sarvakarmāṇi bhasmasāt kurute (MBh.) reduces all deeds to ashes; loko ‘yam dasyusād bhaved (MBh.) this world would become a prey to barbarians; yasya brāhmaṇasāt sarvaṁ vittam āsīt (MBh.) whose whole property was given to Brahmans; niyataṁ bhasmasād yāti (Har.) it is inevitably reduced to ashes; agnīn ātmasāt kṛtvā (Y.) having taken the fires to one's self.
1109. a. Suffixes, not of noun-derivation or of inflection, may be traced with more or less plausibility in a few other adverbs. Thus, for example, in prātár early, and sanutár away; in dakṣiṇít with right hand, and cikitvít with consideration; in nūnám now, and nānānámvariously. But the cases are in the main too rare and doubtful to be worth notice here.
b. In the epics begin to be found a small class (about a dozen are quotable) of adverbs having the form of a repeated noun-stem with its first occurrence ending in ā and its second in i: e. g. hastāhasti hand to hand, rathārathi chariot against chariot, karṇākarṇi ear to ear.
c. The adverbs thus far described are almost never used prepositionally. Those of the next division, however, are in many instances so used.
1110. Case-forms used as Adverbs. A large number of adverbs are more or less evidently cases in form, made from stems which are not otherwise in use. Also many cases of known stems, pronominal or noun or adjective, are used with an adverbial value, being distinguished from proper cases by some difference of application, which is sometimes accompanied by an irregularity of form.
1111. The accusative is the case most frequently and widely used adverbially. Thus:
a. Of pronominal stems: as, yád if, when, that, etc.; tád then etc.; kím why, whether, etc.; idám now, here; adás yonder; and so on. Of like value, apparently, are the (mostly Vedic) particles kád, kám and kam (?), íd, cid (common at every period), smád and sumád, īm andsīm (by some regarded as still possessing pronoun-value), -kīm. Compounds with íd are céd if , néd lest, éd, svid, kuvíd; with cid,kū́cid; with -kīm, nákīm and mā́kīm and ā́kīm.
b. Of noun-stems: as, nā́ma by name; súkham happily; kā́mam at will, if you please; náktam by night; ráhas secretly; oṣám quickly (V.); and so on.
c. Of adjective stems, in unlimited numbers: as, satyám truly; cirám long; pū́rvam formerly; nítyam constantly; bhū́yas more, again;viçrabdham confidently; prakāçam openly; and so on.
d. The neuter singular is the case commonly employed in this way; and it is so used especially as made from great numbers of compound adjective stems, often from such as hardly occur, or are not at all found, in adjective use. Certain of these adverbial compounds, having an indeclinable as prior member, are made by the Hindu grammarians a special class of compounds, called avyayībhāva (1313).
e. But the feminine singular also is sometimes used, especially in the so-called adverbial endings of comparison, tarām and tamām, which are attached to particles (cf. 1119), and even (473 c) to verb-forms: e. g. natarā́m, kathaṁtarām, uccaistarā́m, çanāistarām,jyoktamā́m. In the oldest language (RV. and AV.), the neuter instead of the feminine form of these suffixes is almost alone in use: see 1119.
f. Many adverbs of obscure form or connection are to be explained with probability as accusatives of obsolete noun or adjective stems: examples are tūṣṇī́m in silence; sāyám at evening; sākám together, with (prep.); áram or álam sufficient (in the later language used with √kṛ in the manner of a prefix: 1078 a); prāyas usually; īṣát somewhat; amnás unexpectedly; bahís outside; míthu and mithás, múhuand múhus, jā́tu, and so on. Madrík etc., and niṇík (in RV.), are perhaps contracted forms of adjectives having √ac or añc as their final (407 ff.). The presence of other roots as final members is also probable for uçádhak, ānuṣák and āyuṣák, anuṣṭhú and suṣṭhú,yugapát, etc. Compare also the forms in am beside those in ā, above, 1101 a, 1102 e, 1103 b.
g. In (Vedic) dravát quickly is to be seen a change of accent for the adverbial use (pple drávant running); and drahyát stoutly (RV., once) may be another example. The comparative and superlative suffixes (above, e) show a like change; and it is also to be recognized in the derivatives with vát (1107).
1112. The instrumental is also often used with adverbial value: generally in the singular, but sometimes also in the plural. Thus:
a. Of pronominal stems: as, enā́ and ayā́, káyā, anā́, amā́, amuyā́.
b. Of noun-stems: as, kṣaṇena instantly; açeṣeṇa completely; viçeṣeṇa especially; dívā by day; diṣṭyā fortunately; sáhasā suddenly;aktubhis by night; and so on.
c. Of adjectives, both neuter (not distinguishable from masculine) and feminine: as, akhilena wholly; prāyeṇa mostly; dákṣiṇena to the south; úttareṇa to the north; ántareṇa within; ciréṇa long; — çánāis and çánakāis slowly; uccāís on high; nīcāis below; parācāís afar;táviṣībhis mightily; and so on.
d. More doubtful cases, mostly from the older language, may be instanced as follows: tiraçcátā, devátā, bāhúta, and sasvártā (all RV.), homonymous instrumentals from nouns in tā; dvitā́, tādī́tnā, īrmā́, mṛṣā́, vṛ́thā, sácā, asthā́ (?), mudhā (not V.), adhunā́ (B. and later).
e. Adverbially used instrumentals are (in the older language), oftener than any other case, distinguished from normal instrumentals by differences of form: thus, especially, by an irregular accent: as, amā́ and dívā (given above); perhaps gúhā; apākā́, āsayā́, kuhayā́(?); naktayā́, svapnayā́, samanā́; adatrayā́, ṛtayā́, ubhayā́, sumnayā́ (?); daksinā́, madhyā́; nīcā́, prācā́, uccā́, paçcā́, tiraçcā́;vasántā; — in a few u-stems, by a y inserted before the ending, which is accented: thus, amuyā́ (given above), āçuyā́, sādhuyā́,raghuyā́, dhṛṣṇuyā́, , mithuyā́; — and urviyā́ (for urvyā́) and víçvyā (properly víçvayā) are more slightly irregular.
1113. The dative has only very seldom an adverbial use.
a. Examples are aparā́ya for the future (RV.; with changed accent); cirāya long; arthāya for the sake of; ahnāya presently.
1114. The ablative is not infrequently used adverbially. Thus:
a. Of pronominal stems: as, kásmāt why? akasmāt casually, unexpectedly; ā́t, tā́t, yā́t (V.: normal forms, instead of the pronominal asmātetc.).
b. Of noun-stems: as, āsā́t near; ārā́t afar; balāt forcibly; kutūhalāt emulously; sakāçāt on the part of.
c. Oftenest, of adjective stems: as, dūrā́t afar; nīcā́t below; paçcā́t behind; sākṣā́t plainly, actually; samantāt completely; acirāt not long; pratyakṣatamāt (AB.) most obviously; pratyantāt (S.) to the end.
d. In a few instances, adverbially used ablatives likewise show a changed accent in the early language: thus, apākā́t from afar; amā́tfrom near by; sanā́t from of old (but instr. sánā); uttarā́t from the north; adharā́t below.
1115. The genitive is almost never used adverbially.
a. In the older language occur aktós by night, and vástos by day; later, cirasya long.
1116. The locative is sometimes used with adverbial value. Thus:
a. From noun and adjective stems: āké near; āré and dūré afar; abhisvaré behind; astamīké at home; ṛté without (prep.); ágre in front;sthāne suitably; sapadi immediately; -arthe and -kṛte (common in composition) for the sake of; aparī́ṣu in after time; ādāu first;rahasi in secret.
1117. Even a nominative form appears to be stereotyped into an adverbial value in (Vedic) kís, interrogative particle, and its compoundsnákis and mā́kis, negative particles. And masc. nominatives from añc-stems (as parān̄ AB., nyān̄ Āpast.) are sometimes found used by substitution for neuters.
1118. Verbal Prefixes and kindred words. The verbal prefixes, described in the preceding chapter (1076 ff.), are properly adverbs, having a special office and mode of use in connection with verbal roots and their more immediate derivatives.
a. Their occasional looser connection with the verb has been noticed above (1084). In the value of general adverbs, however, they only rarely occur (except as ápi has mainly changed its office from prefix to adverb or conjunction in the later language); but their prepositional uses are much more frequent and important: see below, 1125 b.
b. In composition with nouns, they (like other adverbial elements) not infrequently have an adjective value: see below, 1281 ff., 1305.
1119. Several of the prefixes (as noticed above, 473–4) form comparative and superlative adjectives, by the suffixes tara and tama, orra and ma: thus, úttara and uttamá, ádhara and adhamá, ápara and apamá, ávara and avamá, úpara and upamá, and prathamá is doubtless of the same character; also, ántara and ántama. And accusatives of such derivative adjectives (for the most part not otherwise found in use) have the value of comparatives, and rarely superlatives, to the prefixes themselves: thus, sáṁitaṁ cit saṁtaráṁ sáṁ çiçādhi (AV.)whatever is quickened do thou still further quicken; vitaráṁ ví kramasva (RV.) stride out yet more widely; prá táṁ naya prataráṁ vásyo ácha (RV.) lead him forward still further toward advantage; úd enam uttaráṁ naya (AV.) lead him up still higher.
a. Besides those instanced, are found also nitaráṁ, apataráṁ, abhitaráṁ, avataráṁ, parātaráṁ, parastaráṁ. In the Brāhmaṇas and later (above, 1111 e), the feminine accusative is used instead: thus, atitarā́m and atitamām, abhitarā́m, anutamā́m, ātamā́m, pratitarā́m,nitarā́m, uttarā́m, pratarā́m and pratamā́m, vitarā́m, saṁtarā́m (also RV., once).
1120. Kindred in origin and character with the verbal prefixes, and used like them except in composition with verbs, are a few other adverbs: thus, avás down; adhás below (and adhastarā́m); parás far off (and parastarā́m); purā́ before; antarā́ (apparently, antár+ā́)among, between; ánti near; upári above; and sahá (already mentioned, 1104b) along, with, and sácā together, with, may be noticed with them. Vinā́ without, and viṣu- apart, appear to be related with ví.
1121. Inseparable Prefixes. A small number of adverbial prefixes are found only in combination with, other elements. Thus:
a. The negative prefix a or an — an before vowels, a before consonants.
b. It is combined especially with innumerable nouns and adjectives; much more rarely, with adverbs, as akútra and ápunar (RV.), áneva(AV.), ánadhas (TB.), akasmāt, asakṛt; in rare cases, also with pronouns (as atad, akiṁcit); and even, in the later language, now and then with verbs, as aspṛhayanti (BhP. Çiç.) they do not desire, alokayati (SD.) he does not view. Now and then it is prefixed to itself: e. g. anakāmamāra, anaviprayukta, anavadya (?).
c. In a very few cases, the negative a appears to be made long: thus, ā́sat non-existent, ā́deva godless, ā́rāti enemy, āçāuca impurity,ā́tura ill (?).
d. The independent negative adverbs, ná and mā́, are only in exceptional instances used in composition: see below, 1122e.
e. The comitative prefix sa, used instead of the preposition sám, and interchangeably with sahá, before nouns and adjectives.
f. The prefix of dispraise dus ill, badly (identical with √duṣ: 225 a).
g. It is combined in the same manner as a or an. Of combinations with a verbal form, at least a single example appears to be quotable:duçcaranti (R.) behave ill.
h. The corresponding laudatory prefix su well is in general so closely accordant in its use with the preceding that it is best mentioned here, though it occurs not rarely as an independent particle in the oldest language (in RV., more than two hundred times; in the peculiar parts of AV., only fourteen times), and even occasionally later.
i. The particle su sometimes appears in B. and later before a verb-form, and considering its rapid loss of independent use in V., and the analogy of a and dus (above, b, g) it is probably at least in part to be regarded as in composition with the verb. The pada-text of AV. xix. 49. 10 reads su-ápāyati, but its testimony is of little or no value. K. has na su vijñāyete and na vāi su viduḥ, and KeU. hassu veda; TB. has susámbodháyati (?); MBh. and BhP. have sūpatasthe; R. has suçakyante.
j. The exclamatory and usually depreciative prefixed forms of the interrogative pronoun (506) are most analogous with the inseparable prefixes.
1122. Miscellaneous Adverbs. Other words of adverbial character and office, not clearly referable to any of the classes hitherto treated, may be mentioned as follows:
a. Asseverative particles (in part, only in the older language): thus, an̄gá, hánta, kíla, khálu, tú (rare in older language), vāí, vā́vá(in Brāhmaṇa language only), hi, hiná, u, áha, ha, gha, samaha, sma, bhala.
b. Of these, hánta is a word of assent and incitement; hí has won also an illative meaning, and accents the verb with which it stands in connection (595 e); sma sometimes appears to give a past meaning to a present tense (778 b); u is often combined with the final a of other particles: thus, átho, nó, mó, utó, úpo, pró; but also with that of verb-forms, as dattó, vidmó. The final o thus produced ispragṛhya or uncombinable (138c). Particles of kindred value, already mentioned above, are íd, kám or kam, cid, jā́tu, evá. Some of the asseverative particles are much used in the later artificial poetry with a purely expletive value, as devices to help make out the metre (pādapūraṇa verse-fillers); so especially ha, hi, tu, sma.
c. Negative particles are: ná, signifying simple negation; mā́, signifying prohibition.
d. As to the construction of the verb with mā́, see above, 579. In the Veda, nú (or nū́: 248 a) has also sometimes a negative meaning. For the Vedic ná of comparison, see below, g, h.
e. In nahí, ná is combined with hí, both elements retaining their full meaning; also with íd in néd lest. It is perhaps present in nanúand caná, but not in hiná (RV., once). In general, neither ná nor mā́ is used in composition to make negative compounds, but, instead, the inseparable negative prefix a or an (1121 a): exceptions are the Vedic particles nákis and mā́kis, nákīm and mā́kīm; also naciram andmā́ciram, napuṅsaka, and, in the later language, a number of others.
f. Interrogative particles are only those already given: kád, kim, kuvíd, svid, nanú, of which the last introduces an objection or expostulation.
g. Of particles of comparison have been mentioned the toneless iva, and yathā (also toneless when used in the same way). Of frequent occurrence in the oldest language is also ná, having (without loss of accent) the same position and value as the preceding.
h. Examples of the ná of comparison are: ṛṣidvíṣa íṣuṁ ná sṛjata dvíṣam (RV.) let loose your enmity like an arrow at the enemy of the singer; váyo ná vṛkṣám (AV.) as birds to the tree; gāuró ná tṛṣitáḥ piba (RV.) drink like a thirsty buffalo. This use is generally explained as being a modification or adaptation of the negative one: thus, [although, to be sure] not [precisely] a thirsty buffalo; and so on.
i. Of particles of place, besides those already mentioned, may be noticed kvà where? (in V., always to be read kúa).
j. Particles of time are: nú now (also nū́: nūnám was mentioned above, 1109 a), adyá and sadyás and sadívas (RV., once) today, at once(all held to contain the element div or dyu), hyás yesterday, çvás tomorrow, jyók (also related with dyu) long; púnar again.
k. Of particles of manner, besides those already mentioned, may be noticed nā́nā variously (for nānānám, its derivative, see 1109 a);sasvár (RV.) secretly.
l. In the above classifications are included all the Vedic adverbial words, and most of those of the later language: for the rest, see the dictionaries.
1123. There is, as already stated, no proper class of prepositions (in the modern sense of that term), no body of words having for their prevailing office the "government" of nouns. But many of the adverbial words indicated above are used with nouns in a way which approximates them to the more fully developed prepositions of other languages.
a. If one and another of such words — as vinā, ṛte — occurs almost solely in prepositional use, this is merely fortuitous and unessential.
1124. Words are thus used prepositionally along with all the noun-cases excepting the dative. But in general their office is directive only, determining more definitely, or strengthening, the proper case-use of the noun. Sometimes, however, the case-use is not easy to trace, and the noun then seems to be more immediately "governed" by the preposition — that is, to have its case-form more arbitrarily determined by its association with the latter. This is oftenest true of the accusative; and also of the genitive, which has, here as elsewhere (294 b), suffered an extension of its normal sphere of use.
1125. a. The adverbs by derivative form (1097 ff.) have least of a prepositional value (exceptions are especially a few made with the suffix tas: 1098).
b. Most of the verbal prefixes (exceptions are ud, ni, parā, pra; and ava and vi are almost such) have their prepositional or quasi-prepositional uses with cases; but much more widely in the older time than in the later: in the classical language the usage is mainly restricted to prati, anu, and ā.
c. Most of the directive words akin with the more proper prefixes are used prepositionally: some of them — as saha, vinā, upari,antarā, purā — freely, earlier and later.
d. The case-forms used adverbially are in many instances used prepositionally also: oftenest, as was to be expected, with the genitive; but frequently, and from an early time, with the accusative; more rarely with other cases.
e. We will take up now the cases for a brief exposition, beginning with those that are least freely used.
1126. The Locative. This case is least of all used with words that can claim the name of preposition. Of directives, antár and its later derivative antarā́, meaning within, in, are oftenest added to it, and in the classical language as well as earlier. Of frequent Vedic use with it are ā́ and ádhi: thus, mártyeṣv ā́ among mortals; pṛthivyā́m ádhy óṣadhīḥ the plants upon the earth; téjo máyi dhārayā́ ’dhi(AV.) establish glory in me; — ápi and úpa are much rarer: thus, yā́ apā́m ápi vraté [sánti] (RV.) who are in the domain of the waters;amū́r yā́ úpa sū́rye [sánti] (RV.) who are up yonder in the sun; — sácā along with is not rare in RV., but almost entirely unknown later: thus, pitróḥ sácā satī́ staying with her parents.
1127. The Instrumental. The directives used with this case are almost only those which contain the associative pronominal root sa: assahá (most frequent), sākám, sārdhám, samám, samáyā, sarátham; and, in the Veda, the prefix sám: as, te sumatíbhiḥ sám pátnībhir ná vṛ́ṣaṇo nasīmahi (RV.) may we be united with thy favors as men with their spouses. By substitution of the instrumental for the ablative of separation (283 a), vinā without (not Vedic) takes sometimes the instrumental; and so, in the Veda, avás down and parás beyond, with which the ablative is also, and much more normally, construed. And ádhi, in RV., is used with the instrumental snúnā and snúbhis, where the locative would be expected.
1128. The Ablative. In the prepositional constructions of the ablative (as was pointed out and partly illustrated above, 293), the ablative value of the case, and the merely directive value of the added particle, are for the most part clearly to be traced. Many of the verbal prefixes are more or less frequently joined in the older language with this case: oftenest, ádhi and pári; more sporadically,ánu, ápa, áva, práti, and the separatives nís and ví. The change of meaning of the ablative with ā́ hither, by which it comes to fill the office of its opposite, the accusative, was sufficiently explained above (293 c). Of directive words akin with the prefixes, many — asbahís, purás, avás, adhás, parás, purā́, vinā, and tirás out of knowledge of — accompany this case by a perfectly regular construction. Also the case-forms arvā́k, prā́k, paçcā́t, ūrdhvám, pū́rvam, páram, and ṛté without, of which the natural construction with an ablative is predominant earlier.
1129. The Accusative. Many of the verbal prefixes and related words take an accompanying accusative. Most naturally (since the accusative is essentially the to-case), those that express a motion or action toward anything: as abhí, práti, ánu, úpa, ā́, áti and ádhiin the sense of over on to, or across, beyond, tirás through, antár and antarā́ when meaning between, pári around. Examples are: yā́ḥ pradíço abhí sū́ryo vicáṣṭe (AV.) what quarters the sun looks abroad unto; ábodhy agníḥ práty āyatī́m uṣā́sam (RV.) Agni has been awakened to meet the advancing dawn; gacchet kadācit svajanam prati (MBh.) she might go somewhither to her own people; imam prakṣyāmi nṛpatim prati (MBh.) him I will ask with reference to the king; máma cittám ánu cittébhir é ’ta (AV.) follow after my mind with your minds; é ’hy ā́ naḥ (AV.) come hither to us; úpa na é ’hy arvā́n̄ (RV.) come hither unto us; yó devó mártyāṅ áti (AV.) the god who is beyond mortals; adhiṣṭhā́ya várcasā́ ’dhy anyā́n (AV.) excelling above others in glory. Also abhítas and parítas, which have a like value with the simple abhí and pári; and upári above (oftener with genitive). Less accordant with ordinary accusative constructions is the use of this case with adhas, paras, paras, vinā, beside other cases which seem more suited to the meaning of those particles. And the same may be said of most of the adverbial case-forms with which the accusative is used. Thus, a number of instrumental of situation or direction: as yé ‘vareṇā ”dityám yé páreṇā ”dityám (TB.) those who are below the sun, those who are beyond the sun; ántareṇa yónim (ÇB.) within the womb; te hī ’dam antareṇa sarvam (AB.) for all this universe is between them; úttareṇa gā́rhapatyam (ÇB.) to the north of the householder's fire; dákṣiṇena védim (ÇB.) to the south of the sacrificial hearth; dakṣiṇena vṛkṣavāṭikām (Ç.) to the right of the orchard; nikaṣā́ yamunām (Har.) near the Yamunā. Similarly, ūrdhvam and pūrvam have an accusative object as well as an ablative; and the same is true later of ṛte. Abhimukham toward has a more natural right to construction with this case.
1130. The Genitive. The words which are accompanied by the genitive are mostly case-forms of nouns, or of adjectives used substantively, retaining enough of the noun-character to take this case as their natural adjunct. Such are the locatives agre in front of, abhyāçenear, arthe and kṛte for the sake of, nimitte and hetāu by reason of, madhye in the midst of; and other cases, as arthāya, kāraṇāt,sakāçāt, hetos. And really, although less directly and obviously, of the same character are other adjective cases (some of them showing other constructions, already noticed): as adhareṇa, uttareṇa and uttarāt, dakṣiṇena and dakṣiṇāt, paçcāt, ūrdhvam, anantaram, samakṣam,sākṣāt. More questionable, and illustrations rather of the general looseness of use of the genitive, are its constructions (almost wholly unknown in the oldest language) with more proper words of direction: thus, with the derivative paritas, paratas, and antitas, andparastāt and purastāt (these found in the Brāhmaṇa language: as, saṁvatsarasya parastāt after a year; sūktasya purastāt before the hymn[AB.]); with anti, adhas, avas, puras; with upari above (common later); and with antar.
1131. The conjunctions, also, as a distinct class of words, are almost wanting.
a. The combination of clauses is in Sanskrit in general of a very simple character; much of what in other Indo-European languages is effected by subordinating conjunctions is here managed by means of composition of words, by the use of the gerunds (994), of iti (1102), of abstract nouns in case-forms, and so on.
1132. The relative derivative adverbs, already given (1098 ff.), may properly be regarded as conjunctions; and a few other particles of kindred value, as céd and néd (1111 a).
1133. Purely of conjunctive value are च ca and, and वा vā or (both toneless, and never having the first place in a sentence or clause).
a. Of copulative value, along with ca, is in the older language especially utá (later it becomes a particle of more indefinite use); andápi, tátas, táthā, kíṁ ca, with other particles and combinations of particles, are used often as connective of clauses.
b. Adversative is tú but (rare in the older language); also, less strongly, u (toneless).
c. Of illative value is hí for (originally, and in great part at every period, asseverative only): compare above, 1122 b.
d. To ca (as well as to its compound céd) belongs occasionally the meaning if.
e. It is needless to enter into further detail with regard to those uses which may be not less properly, or more properly, called conjunctive than adverbial, of the particles already given, under the head of Adverbs.
1134. The utterances which may be classed as interjections are, as in other languages, in part voice-gestures, in part onomatopœias, and in part mutilations and corruptions of other parts of speech.
1135. a. Of the class of voice-gestures are, for example: ā, hā, hāhā, ahaha, he, hāí (AV.), ayi, aye, hayé (RV.), aho, báṭ (RV.), bata(RV.) or vata, and (probably) híruk and hurúk (RV.).
b. Onomatopoetic or imitative utterances are, for example (in the older language): ciçcā́ whiz (of an arrow: RV.); kikirā́ (palpitation: RV.); bā́l and pháṭ (pháṣ?) or phál splash (AV.); bhúk bow-wow (AV.); çál pat (AV.); āṣ, hīṣ, as, and has (PB.); and see the words already quoted in composition with the roots kṛ and bhū, above, 1091.
c. Nouns and adjectives which have assumed an interjectional character are, for example: bhos (for the vocative bhavas, 456); are or re(voc. of ari enemy}; dhik alas! (may be mere voice-gesture, but perhaps related with √dih); kaṣṭam woe is me! diṣṭyā thank heaven!svasti hail! suṣṭhu, sādhu good, excellent! None of these are Vedic in interjectional use.