- Sanskrit Grammar
- 作者：William Dwight Whitney
- 出版社：Dover Publications
- CHAPTER I.
- CHAPTER II.
- CHAPTER III.
- CHAPTER IV.
- CHAPTER V.
- CHAPTER VI.
- CHAPTER VII.
- CHAPTER VIII.
- CHAPTER IX.
- CHAPTER X.
- CHAPTER XI.
- CHAPTER XII.
- CHAPTER XIII.
- CHAPTER XIV.
- CHAPTER XV.
- CHAPTER XVI.
- CHAPTER XVII.
- CHAPTER XVIII.
- SANSKRIT INDEX.
- GENERAL INDEX.
CHAPTER V. ?xml:namespace>
321. a. The accordance in inflection of substantive and adjective stems is so complete that the two cannot be separated in treatment from one another.
b. They may be classified, for convenience of description, as follows:
I. Stems in अ a;
II. Stems in इ i and उ u;
III. Stems in आ ā, ई ī, and ऊ ū: namely, A. radical-stems (and a few others inflected like them); B. derivative stems;
IV. Stems in ऋ ṛ (or अर् ar);
V. Stems in consonants.
c. There is nothing absolute in this classification and arrangement; it is merely believed to be open to as few objections as any other. No general agreement has been reached among scholars as to the number and order of Sanskrit declensions. The stems in a are here treated first because of the great predominance of the class.
322. The division-line between substantive and adjective, always an uncertain one in early Indo-European language, is even more wavering in Sanskrit than elsewhere. There are, however, in all the declensions as divided above—unless we except the stems in ṛ or ar—words which are distinctly adjectives; and, in general, they are inflected precisely like noun-stems of the same final: only, among consonant-stems, there are certain sub-classes of adjective stems with peculiarities of inflection to which there is among nouns nothing corresponding. But there are also two considerable classes of adjective-compounds, requiring special notice: namely—
323. Compound adjectives having as final member a bare verbal root, with the value of a present participle (383 a ff.): thus, su-dṛ́çwell-looking; pra-búdh foreknowing; a-drúh not hating; veda-víd Veda-knowing; vṛtra-hán Vritra-slaying; upastha-sád sitting in the lap. Every root is liable to be used in this way, and such compounds are not infrequent in all ages of the language: see chapter on Compounds, below (1269).
a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjectives, since in the earliest Veda the simple as well as the compounded root was sometimes used adjectively. But the compounded root was from the beginning much more often so used, and the later the more exclusively, so that practically the class is a separate and important one.
324. Compound adjectives having a noun as final member, but obtaining an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of possessionadded, and being inflected as adjectives in the three genders (1293 ff.). Thus, prajā́kāmá desire of progeny, whence the adjectiveprajā́kāma, meaning desirous (i.e. having desire) of progeny; sabhārya (sa+bhāryā) having one's wife along; and so on.
a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the preceding member (1309–10): thus, atimātra immoderate (ati mātram beyond measure); yāvayáddveṣas driving away enemies.
325. Hence, under each declension, we have to notice how a root or a noun-stem of that declension is inflected when final member of an adjective compound.
a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root-word ending a compound has the accent, but (320) loses the peculiarity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone forward upon the ending (except añc in certain old forms: 410).
Stems (masculine and neuter) in अ a.
326. a. This declension contains the majority of all the declined stems of the language.
b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others from the normal.
327. Endings: Singular. a. The nom. masc. has the normal ending s.
b. The acc. (masc. and neut.) adds m (not am); and this form has the office also of nom. neuter.
c. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language; and even in the oldest Vedic this is the predominant ending (in RV., eight ninths of all cases). Its final is in Vedic verse frequently made long (enā). But the normal ending ā — thus, yajñā́ , suhávā,mahitvā́ (for yajñéna etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda.
d. The dat. has āya (as if by adding aya to a), alike in all ages of the language.
e. The abl. has t (or doubtless d: it is impossible from the evidence of the Sanskrit to tell which is the original form of the ending),before which ā is made long: this ending is found in no other noun-declension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronouns (of all numbers).
f. The gen. has sya added to the final a; and this ending is also limited to a-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amúṣya: 501). Its final a is in only three cases made long in the Veda; and its y is vocalized (asia) almost as rarely.
g. The loc. ends in e (as if by combining the normal ending i with the final of the stem), without exception.
h. The voc. is the bare stem.
328. Dual. a. The dual endings in general are the normal ones.
b. The nom., acc., and voc. masc. end in the later language always in āu. In the Veda, however, the usual ending is simple ā (in RV., in seven eights of the occurrences). The same cases in the neut. end in e, which appears to be the result of fusion of the stem-final with the normal ending ī.
c. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhyām (in only one or two Vedic instances resolved into bhiām), with the stem-final lengthened to ābefore it.
d. The gen. and loc. have a y inserted after the stem-final before os (or as if the a had been changed to e). In one or two (doubtful) Vedic instances (as also in the pronominal forms enos and yos), os is substituted for the final a.
329. Plural. a. The nom. masc. has in the later language the normal ending as combined with the final a to ās. But in the Veda the ending āsas instead is frequent (one third of the occurrences in RV., but only one twenty-fifth in the peculiar parts of AV.).
b. The acc. masc. ends in ān (for earlier āns, of which abundant traces are left in the Veda, and, under the disguise of apparent euphonic combination, even in the later language: see above, 208 ff.).
c. The nom. and acc. neut. have in the later language always the ending āni (like the an-stems: see 421; or else with n, as in the gen. pl., before normal i). But in the Veda this ending alternates with simple ā (which in RV. is to āni as three to two, in point of frequency; in AV., as three to four).
d. The instr. ends later always in āis; but in the Veda is found abundantly the more normal form ebhis (in RV., nearly as frequently asāis; in AV., only one fifth as frequent).
e. The dat. and abl. have bhyas as ending, with e instead of the final a before it (as in the Vedic instr. ebhis, the loc. pl., the gen. loc. du. [?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhias is not infrequent in the Veda.
f. The gen. ends in ānām, the final a being lengthened and having n inserted before the normal ending. The ā of the ending is not seldom (in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables, aam: opinions are divided as to whether the resolution is historical or metric only. A very small number (half-a-dozen) of examples of simple ām as ending instead of ānām occur in RV.
g. The loc. ends in eṣu—that is to say, with the normal ending, before which the stem-final is changed to e (with consequent change ofs to ṣ: 180).
h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing requires to be said; the syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent throughout.
330. Examples of declension. As examples of the inflection of a-stems may be taken काम kā́ma m. love;देव devá m. god;आस्य āsyà n.mouth.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
Examples of the peculiar Vedic forms are:
a. Sing.: instr. raváthenā, yajñā́ (such genitive forms as áçvasiā are purely sporadic).
b. Du.: nom. etc. masc. devā́; gen.-loc. pastyòs (stem pastyà).
c. Pl.: nom.-voc. masc. devā́sas; neut. yugā́; instr. devébhis; gen. caráthām, devā́naam.
331. Among nouns, there are no irregularities in this declension. For irregular numeral bases in a (or an), see 483-4. For the irregularities of pronominal stems in a, which are more or less fully shared also by a few adjectives of pronominal kindred, see the chapter on Pronouns (495 ff.).
332. Original adjectives in a are an exceedingly large class, the great majority of all adjectives. There is, however, no such thing as a feminine stem in a; for the feminine, the a is changed to ā—or often, though far less often, to ī; and its declension is then like that of senā or devī (364). An example of the complete declension of an adjective a-stem in the three genders will be given below (368).
a. Whether a masc.-neut. stem in a shall form its feminine in ā or in ī is a question to be determined in great part only by actual usage, and not by grammatical rule. Certain important classes of words, however, can be pointed out which take the less common ending īof the feminine: thus, 1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a with vṛddhi of the first syllable (1204): e.g. āmitrá -trī́,mā́nuṣa -ṣī, pāvamāná -nī́, pāurṇamāsá -sī́; 2. primary derivatives in ana with accent on the radical syllable (1150): e.g. códana -nī,saṁgráhaṇa -ṇī, subhāgaṁkáraṇa -nī; 3. primary derivatives in a, with strengthening of the radical syllable, having a quasi-participial meaning: e.g. divākará -rī, avakrāmá -mī́, rathavāhá -hī́ (but there are many exceptions); 4. secondary derivatives in maya (1225) andtana (1245 e): e.g. ayasmáya -yī; adyatana -nī; 5. most ordinal numbers (487 h): e.g. pañcamá -mī́, navadaçá -çī́, triṅçattamá -mī́. Not a few words make the feminine in either ā or ī: e.g. kévalā or -lī, ugrā́ or -rī́, pāpā or -pī́, rāmā́ or -mī́; but ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular.
333. There are no verbal roots ending in a. But a is sometimes substituted for the final ā of a root (and, rarely, for a final an), and it is then inflected like an ordinary adjective in a (see below, 354).
334. a. A noun ending in a, when occurring as final member of an adjective compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a, making its feminine likewise in ā or ī (367).
b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a as final member makes its feminine in ā. But there are numerous exceptions, certain nouns taking, usually or always, ī instead. Some of the commonest of these are as follows: akṣa eye (e.g. lohitākṣī,dvyakṣī, gavākṣī), parṇa leaf (e.g. tilaparṇī, saptaparṇī; but ekaparṇā), mukha face (e.g. kṛṣṇamukhī, durmukhī; but trimukhā etc.),an̄ga limb, body (e.g. anavadyān̄gī, sarvān̄gī; but caturan̄gā etc.), keça hair (e.g. sukeçī, muktakeçī or -çā, etc.), karṇa ear (e.g.mahākarṇī; but gokarṇā etc.), udara belly (e.g. lambodarī), mūla root (e.g. pañcamūlī; but oftener çatámūlā etc.). The very great majority of such nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body.
c. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative ā shortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 367 c.
d. In frequent cases, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of compounds, transferred to the a-declension by adding suffix a (1209 a) or ka (1222).
Stems (of all genders) in इ i and उ u.
335. The stems in इ i and उ u are inflected in so close accordance with one another that they cannot be divided into two separate declensions. They are of all the three genders, and tolerably numerous—those in इ i more numerous than those in उ u, especially in the feminine (there are more neuters in उ u than in इ i).
a. The endings of this declension also differ frequently and widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language are numerous.
336. Endings: Singular. a. The nom. masc. and fem. adds to the stem the normal ending s. The nom. and acc. neut. is the bare stem, without ending. In the Veda, the final u of a few neuters is lengthened (248 b): thus, urū́, purū́.
b. The acc. masc. and fem. adds m to the stem. Vedic forms in iam and uam, and, with n, inam and unam, are excessively rare, and doubtful.
c. The instr. fem. in the later language takes the normal ending ā simply, while the masc. and neut. insert n before it, making inā andunā. But in the Veda, forms in yā and vā (or iā and uā) are not infrequent in masc. and neut. also; while inā is found, very rarely, as a fem. ending. Moreover, fem. yā is often (in two thirds of the occurrences) contracted to ī; and this is even sometimes shortened to i. An adverbial instr. in uyā́ from half-a-dozen stems in u occurs.
d. The dat. masc. and fem. gunates the final of the stem before the ending e, making aye and ave. These are the prevailing endings in the Veda likewise; but the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also occur; and the fem. has in this case, as in the instr., sometimes the formī for ie. In the later language, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other weakest cases, to insert n before the normal ending: but in the Veda such forms are only sporadic; and the neut. dat. has also the forms aye, ve, ave, like the other genders.
e. The abl. and gen. masc. and fem. have regularly, both earlier and later, the ending s with gunated vowel before it: thus, es, os; and in the Veda, the neut. forms the cases in the same way; although unas, required later, is also not infrequent (inas does not occur). But the normal forms yas (or ias) and vas (or uas) are also frequent in both masc. and neut. As masc. ending, unas occurs twice in RV. The anomalous didyót (so TS.; in the corresponding passages, vidyót VS., didyāut K., didivás MS.) is of doubtful character.
f. The loc. masc. and fem. has for regular ending in the later language āu, replacing both finals, i and u. And this is in the Veda also the most frequent ending; but, beside it, the i-stems form (about half as often in RV.) their loc. in ā: thus, agnā́; and this is found once even in the neuter. The RV. has a number of examples of masc. and neut. locatives in avi (the normal ending and the u gunated before it) from u-stems; and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Half-a-dozen locatives in ī (regarded by the Vedic grammarians as pragṛhya or uncombinable: 138 d) are made from i-stems. The later language makes the neuter locative in ini anduni; but the former never occurs in the oldest texts, and the latter only very rarely.
g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fem. to be formed at will with the fuller fem. terminations of long-vowel stems, namely āi, ās (for which, in Brāhmaṇa etc., āi is substituted: 307 h), ām. Such forms are quite rare in the oldest language even from i-stems (less than 40 occurrences altogether in RV.; three times as many in AV.); and from u-stems they are almost unknown (five in RV. and AV.).
h. The voc. gunates the final of the stem, in masc. and fem., alike in the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed to be either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was probably the usage in the older time also; not instances enough quotable to determine the question (AV. has u once, and VS. o once).
337. Dual. a. The later and earlier language agree in making the nom.-acc.-voc. masc. and fem. by lengthening the final of the stem. The same cases in the neuter (according to the rules given above) end later in inī and unī; but these endings are nearly unknown in the Veda (as, indeed, the cases are of only rare occurrence): AV. has inī twice (RV. perhaps once); VS. has unī once; RV. has uī from one u-stem, and ī, once shortened to i, from one or two i-stems.
b. The unvarying ending of instr.-dat.-abl., in all genders, is bhyām added to the unchanged stem.
c. The gen.-loc. of all ages add os to the stem in masc. and fem.; in the neut., the later language interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest cases, a n; probably in the earlier Vedic the form would be like that of the other genders; but the only occurrence noted is oneunos in AV.
338. Plural. a. The nom.-voc. masc. and fem. adds the normal ending as to the gunated stem-final, making ayas and avas. The exceptions in the Veda are very few: one word (ari) has ias in both genders, and a few feminines have īs (like ī-stems); a very few u-stems haveuas. The neut. nom.-acc. ends later in īni and ūni (like āni from a: 329 c); but the Veda has ī and i (about equally frequent) much oftener than īni; and ū and (more usually) u, more than half as often as ūni.
b. The accus. masc. ends in īn and ūn, for older īns and ūns, of which plain traces remain in the Veda in nearly half the instances of occurrence, and even not infrequently in the later language, in the guise of phonetic combination (208 ff.). The accus. fem. ends in īsand ūs. But both masc. and fem. forms in ias and uas are found sparingly in the Veda.
c. The instr. of all genders adds bhis to the stem.
d. The dat.-abl. of all genders adds bhyas (in V., almost never bhias) to the stem.
e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in īnām and ūnām (of which the ā is not seldom, in the Veda, to be resolved into aam). Stems with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always do, throw forward the accent upon the ending.
f. The loc. of all genders adds su (as ṣu: 180) to the stem-final.
g. The accent is in accordance with the general rules already laid down, and there are no irregularities calling for special notice.
399. Examples of declension. As models of i-stems may be taken अग्नि agní m. fire;गति gáti f. gait;वारि vā́ri n. water.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
340. In order to mark more plainly the absence in Vedic language of some of the forms which are common later, all the forms of Vedic occurrence are added below, and in the order of their frequency.
a. Singular. Nom. agnís etc., as above.
b. Acc.: masc. agním, yayíam, ūrmíṇam (?); fem. and neut. as above.
c. Instr.: masc. agnínā, rayyā́ and ūrmiā́; fem. ácittī, ūtiā́, matyā́, suvṛktí, dhāsínā; neut. wanting.
d. Dat.: masc. agnáye; fem. tujáye, ūtī́, turyāí; neut. çúcaye.
e. Gen.-abl.: masc. agnés, ávyas, ariás; fem. ádites, hetyā́s and bhū́miās; neut. bhū́res.
f. Loc.: masc. agnāú, agnā́, ājáyi (?); fem. ā́gatāu, úditā, dhánasātayi (?), védī, bhū́myām; neut. apratā́, saptáraçmāu.
g. Voc.: as above (neut wanting).
h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. hárī; fem. yuvatī́; neut. çúcī, máhi, háriṇī (?).
i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.
j. Gen.-loc.: masc. hários; fem. yuvatyós and jāmiós; neut. wanting.
k. Plural. Nom.: masc. agnáyas; fem. matáyas, bhū́mīs; neut. çúcī, bhū́ri, bhū́rīṇi.
l. Accus.: masc. agnī́n; fem. kṣitī́s, çúcayas (?).
m. Instr., dat.-abl, and loc., as above.
n. Gen.: masc. fem. kavīnā́m, ṛ́ṣīṇaam etc. (neut. wanting).
341. As models of u-stems may be taken शत्रु çátru m. enemy;धेनु dhenú f. cow;मधु mádhu n. honey.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
342. The forms of Vedic occurrence are given here for the u-stems in the same manner as for the i-stems above.
a. Singular. Nom.: masc. and fem. as above; neut. urú, urū́.
b. Accus.: masc. ketúm, ábhīruam, sucetúnam (?); fem. dhenúm.
c. Instr.: masc. ketúnā, paçvā́ and krátuā; fem. ádhenuā and panvā́, āçuyā́; neut. mádhunā, mádhvā.
d. Dat.: masc. ketáve, çíçve; fem. çárave, íṣvāi; neut. páçve (?), uráve, mádhune.
e. Abl.-gen.: masc. manyós, pitvás, cā́ruṇas; fem. síndhos, íṣvās; neut. mádhvas and mádhuas, mádhos, mádhunas.
f. Loc.: masc. pūrāú, sūnávi; fem. síndhāu, rájjvām; neut. sā́nāu, sā́navi, sā́no, sā́nuni.
g. Voc.: as above.
h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. and fem. as above; neut. urvī́, jā́nunī.
i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.
j. Gen.-loc.: as above (but vos or uos).
k. Plural. Nom.: masc. ṛbhávas, mádhuas and mádhvas; fem. dhenávas, çatakratvas; neut. purū́ṇi, purú, purū́.
l. Accus.: masc. ṛtū́n, paçvás; fem. íṣūs, mádhvas.
m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc., as above; also gen. (but with the resolution ūnaam in part).
343. Irregular declension. There are no irregular u-stems, and only a very few i-stems.
a. Sákhi m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly strengthened base (vriddhied), namely sákhāy, which in the nom. sing. is reduced to sákhā (without ending), and in the other cases takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat. sing. have the normal endings simply, without inserted n or guṇa; the abl.-gen. sing. adds us; and the loc. sing. adds āu: the rest is like agní. Thus:
Sing. sákhā, sákhāyam, sákhyā, sákhye, sákhyus, sákhyāu, sákhe; Du. sákhāyāu, sákhibhyām, sákhyos; Pl. sákhāyas, sákhīn, etc. etc.
b. The Veda has usually sákhāyā du., and often resolves the y to i, in sákhiā, sákhius, etc. The compounds are usually declined like the simple word, unless (1315 b) sakha be substituted.
c. There is a corresponding fem., sakhī (declined like devī: 364); but the forms of sakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine value.
d. Páti m. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has the meaning lord, master; when uncompounded and when meaning husband, it is inflected like sákhi in the instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., forming pátyā, pátye, pátyus, pátyāu. There are occasional instances of confusion of the two classes of forms.
e. For pati as the final member of a possessive compound is regularly and usually substituted patnī in the fem.: thus, jīvapatnī having a living husband; dāsapatnī having a barbarian for master.
f. Jáni f. wife has the gen. sing. jányus in the Veda.
g. Arí eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda aryás in pl. nom. and accus., masc. and fem. Its accus. sing. is arím or aryám.
h. Ví bird has in RV. the nom. vés (beside vís). In the plural it accents víbhis, víbhyas, but vīnā́m.
i. The stems ákṣi eye, ásthi bone, dádhi curds, and sákthi thigh, are defective, their forms exchanging with and complementing forms from stems in án (akṣán etc.): see the stems in an, below (431).
j. The stem pathí road is used to make up part of the inflection of páthan: see below, 433.
k. Króṣṭu m. jackal lacks the strong cases, for which the corresponding forms of kroṣṭṛ́ are substituted.
344. Original adjectives stems in i are few; those in u are much more numerous (many derivative verb-stems forming a participialadjective in u). Their inflection is like that of nouns, and has been included in the rules given above. In those weak cases, however—namely, the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual—in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language by an inserted n (we have seen above that this difference does not exist in the Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either form. The stem is the same for masculine and neuter, and generally (and allowably always) for feminine also.
a. There are a few instances of a feminine noun in ī standing (sometimes with changed accent) beside a masculine in i: thus, krími m.,krimī́ f.; sákhi (343 a) m., sakhī́ f.; dundubhí m., dundubhī f., dhúni m., dhunī f.; çakúni m., çakunī or -ni f. In the later language, especially, there is a very frequent interchange of i and ī as finals of the same stem. No adjective in i makes a regular feminine in ī.
b. With stems in u the case is quite different. While the feminine may, and in part does, end in u, like the masculine and neuter, a special feminine-stem is often made by lengthening the u to ū, or also by adding ī; and for some stems a feminine is formed in two of these three ways, or even in all the three: thus, kārū, -dipsū́, çundhyū́, cariṣṇū́, vacasyū́; -aṇvī, urvī́, gurvī, pūrvī́ (with a prolongation of u before r: compare 245 b), bahvī́, prabhvī́, raghvī́, sādhvī́, svādvī́;—pṛthú and pṛthvī́, vibhū́ and vibhvī́, mṛdú andmṛdvī́, laghu and laghvī, vásu and vásvī; babhrú and babhrū́, bībhatsú and bībhatsū́, bhīrú and bhīrū;—tanú and tanū́ and tanvī́, phalgúand phalgū́ and phalgvī, mádhu and madhū́ and mádhvī. There are also some feminine noun-stems in ū standing (usually with changed accent) beside masculines in u: thus, ágru m., agrū́ f.; kádru m., kadrū́ f.; gúggulu m., guggulū́ f.; jatu m., jatū́ f.; pṛ́dāku m.,pṛdākū́ f.
345. Roots ending in i or u (or ṛ: 376 b) regularly add a t when used as root-words or as root-finals of compounds; and hence there are no adjectives of the root-class in this declension.
a. Yet, in the Veda, a few words ending in a short radical u are declined as if this were suffixal: thus, ásmṛtadhru, suṣṭú; and the AV. has pṛtanājí (once). Roots in ū sometimes also shorten ū to u: thus, prabhú, vibhú, etc. (354); go (361 e) becomes gu in composition; and re perhaps becomes ri (361 e); while roots in ā sometimes apparently weaken ā to i (in -dhi from √dhā etc.: 1155).
346. Compound adjectives having nouns of this declension as final members are inflected in general like original adjectives of the same endings.
a. But in such compounds a final i or u is sometimes lengthened to form a feminine stem: thus, suçroṇī, svayonī or -ni, -gātrayaṣṭī or -ṭi; vāmorū or -ru, durhaṇū or -ṇu, varatanū, mātṛbandhū; and RV. has áçiçvī from çíçu.
Stems in long vowels: आ ā, ई ī, ऊ ū.
347. The stems ending in long vowels fall into two well-marked classes or divisions: A. monosyllabic stems—mostly bare roots—and their compounds, with a comparatively small number of others inflected like them; B. derivative feminine stems in आ ā and ई ī, with a small number in ऊ ū which in the later language have come to be inflected like them. The latter division is by far the larger and more important, since most feminine adjectives, and considerable classes of feminine nouns, ending in आ ā or ई ī, belong to it.
A. Root-words, and those inflected like them.
348. The inflection of these stems is by the normal endings throughout, or in the manner of consonant-stems (with अम् am, not म् m, in the accus. sing.); peculiarities like those of the other vowel-declensions are wanting. The simple words are, as nouns, with few exceptions feminine; as adjectives (rarely), and in adjective compounds, they are alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for convenience of description, be divided into the following subclasses:
1. Root-words, or monosyllables having the aspect of such. Those in ā are so rare that it is hardly possible to make up a whole scheme of forms in actual use; those in ī and ū are more numerous, but still very few.
2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final vowels, as last member.
3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin and character, including in the Veda many which later are transferred to other declensions.
4. As an appendix to this class we may most conveniently describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending in diphthongs.
349. Monosyllabic stems. Before the endings beginning with vowels, final ī is changed to iy and ū to uv; while final ā is dropped altogether, except in the strong cases, and in the acc. pl., which is like the nominative (according to the grammarians, ā is lost here also: no instances of the occurrence of such a form appear to be quotable). Stems in ī and ū are in the later language allowed to take optionally the fuller endings āi, ās, ām in the singular (dat., abl.-gen., loc.); but no such forms are ever met with in the Veda (except bhiyāí [?], RV., once). Before ām of gen. pl., n may or may not be inserted; in the Veda it is regularly inserted, with a single exception (dhiyā́m, once). The vocative is like the nominative in the singular as well as the other numbers; but instances of its occurrence in uncompounded stems are not found in the Veda, and must be extremely rare everywhere. The earlier Vedic dual ending is āinstead of āu.
350. To the ī- and ū-stems the rules for monosyllabic accent apply: the accent is thrown forward upon the endings in all the weak cases except the accus. pl., which is like the nom. But the ā-stems appear (the instances are extremely few) to keep the accent upon the stem throughout.
351. Examples of declension. As models of monosyllabic inflection we may take जा jā́ f. progeny;धी dhī́ f. thought; and भू bhū́ f. earth.
a. The first of these is rather arbitrarily extended from the four cases which actually occur; of the loc. sing. and gen.-loc. du., no Vedic examples from ā-stems are found.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
352. Monosyllabic stems in composition. When the nouns above described occur as a final member of a compound, or when any root in ā or īor ū is found in a like position, the inflection of an ā-stem is as above. But ī- and ū-stems follow a divided usage: the final vowel before a vowel-ending is either converted into a short vowel and semivowel (iy or uv, as above) or into a semivowel simply (y or v). The accent is nowhere thrown forward upon the endings; and therefore, when ī and ū become y and v, the resulting syllable is circumflex (83–4). Thus:
Masc. and fem. Singular:
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
N. A. V.
a. As to the admissibility of the fuller endings āi, ās, and ām in the singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat at variance; but they are never found in the Veda, and have been omitted from the above scheme as probably unreal.
b. If two consonants precede the final ī or ū, the dissyllabic forms, with iy and uv, are regularly written; after one consonant, the usage is varying. The grammarians prescribe iy and uv when the monosyllabic stem has more the character of a noun, and y and v when it is more purely a verbal root with participial value. No such distinction, however, is to be seen in the Veda—where, moreover, the difference of the two forms is only graphic, since the yā- and vā-forms and the rest are always to be read as dissyllabic: iā or īā anduā or ūā, and so on.
c. As to neuter stems for such adjectives, see 367.
353. A few further Vedic irregularities or peculiarities may be briefly noticed.
a. Of the ā-stems, the forms in ās, ām, ā (du.) are sometimes to be read as dissyllables, aas, aam, aa. The dative of the stem used as infinitive is āí (as if ā́+e): thus, prakhyāí, pratimāí, parādāí.
b. Irregular transfer of the accent to the ending in compopunds is seen in a case or two: thus, avadhyabhiyā́ (RV.), ādhiā́ (AV.).
354. But compounds of the class above described are not infrequently transferred to other modes of inflection: the ā shortened to a for a masculine (and neuter) stem, or declined like a stem of the derivative ā-class (below, 364) as feminine; the ī and ū shortened to iand u, and inflected as of the second declension.
a. Thus, compound stems in -ga, -ja, -da, -stha, -bhu, and others, are found even in the Veda, and become frequent later (being made from all, or nearly all, the roots in ā); and sporadic cases from yet others occur: for example, çṛtapā́n, vayodhāís and ratnadhébhis,dhanasāís (all RV.); and, from ī and ū compounds, veṣaçrís (TS.), áhrayas (RV.), gaṇaçríbhis (RV.), karmaṇís (ÇB), and ṛtaníbhyas (RV.) and senāníbhyas (VS.) and grímaṇíbhis (TB.), supúnā (AV.), çitíbhráve (TS.).
b. Still more numerous are the feminines in ā which have lost their root-declension: examples are prajā́ (of which the further compounds in part have root-forms), svadhā́, çraddhā́, pratimā́, and others.
c. Thus, in the later language, a few feminines in ī are made from the stems in a shortened from ā: thus, gopī, goṣṭhī, pannagī,pan̄kajī, bhujagī, bhujaṁgī, surāpī.
355. Polysyllabic Stems. Stems of this division (A) of more than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and by no means common in the earlier. The Rig-Veda, however, presents a not inconsiderable body of them; and as the class nearly dies out later, by the disuse of its stems or their transfer to other modes of declension, it may be best described on a Vedic basis.
a. Of stems in ā, masculines, half-a-dozen occur in the Veda: pánthā, mánthā, and ṛbhukṣā́ are otherwise viewed by the later grammar: see below, 433-4; uçánā (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom. sing. uçánā (and loc. as well as dat. uçáne); mahā́ great is found only in accus. sing. and abundantly in composition; ā́tā frame has only ā́tāsu not derivable from ā́ta.
b. Of stems in ī, over seventy are found in the Veda, nearly all feminines, and all accented on the final. Half of the feminines are formed from masculines with change of accent: thus, kalyāṇī́ (m. kalyā́ṇa), puruṣī́ (m. púruṣa); others show no change of accent: thus,yamī́ (m. yamá); others still have no corresponding masculines: thus, nadī́, lakṣmī́, sūrmī́. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, rathī́, prāvī́, starī́, ahī́, āpathī́.
c. Of stems in ū, the number is smaller: these, too, are nearly all feminines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the feminine adjectives in ū́ to masculines in ú or u (above, 344b): thus, caraṇyū́, cariṣṇū́, jighatsū́, madhū́. A few are nouns in ū́, with change of accent: thus, agrū́ (ágru), pṛdākū́ (pṛ́dāku), çvaçrū́ (çváçura); or without change, as nṛtū́. And a few have no corresponding masculines: thus, tanū́, vadhū́, camū́. The masculines are only two ore three: namely, prāçū́, kṛkadāçū́, makṣū́ (?); and their forms are of the utmost rarity.
356. The mode of declension of these words may be illustrated by the following examples: rathī́ m. charioteer; nadī́ f. stream; tanū́ f.body.
a. No one of the selected examples occurs in all the forms; forms for which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loc. sing. from any ī-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem nadī́ is selected as an example partly in order to emphasize the difference between the earlier language and the later in regard to the words of this division: nadī́ is later the model of derivative inflection.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
b. The cases — nadíam, tanúam, etc — are written above according to their true phonetic form, almost invariably belonging to them in the Veda; in the written text, of course, the stem-final is made a semi-vowel, and the resulting syllable is circumflexed: thus, nadyàm,tanvàm, etc.; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms iy and uv are written instead; and also where the combination yvwould otherwise result: thus, cakríyā, [agrúvāi,] and mitrāyúvas. The RV. really reads staryàm etc. twice, and tanvàs etc. four times; and such contractions are more often made in the AV. The ending ā of the nom.-acc.-voc. du. is the equivalent of the later āu. The nom. sing. in s from ī-stems is found in the older language about sixty times, from over thirty stems.
357. Irregularities of form, properly so called, are very few in this division: camū́ as loc. sing. (instead of camvi) occurs a few times; and there is another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final ū́ is regarded as pragṛhya or uncombinable (138); tanúi is lengthened to tanvī̀ in a passage or two; -yúvas is once or twice abbreviated to -yū́s.
358. The process of transfer to the other form of ī- and ū-declension (below, 362 ff.), which has nearly extinguished this category of words in the later language, has its beginnings in the Veda; but in RV. they are excessively scanty: namely, dūtiā́m, loc. sing., once, and çvaçruā́m, do., once, and dravitnuā́, instr. sing., with two or three other doubtful cases. In the Atharvan, we find the acc. sing.kuhū́m, tanū́m, vadhū́m; the instr. sing. palāliā́ and one or two others; the dat. sing. vadhvāí, çvaçruāí, agrúvāi; the abl.-gen. sing.punarbhúvās, pṛdākuā́s, çvaçruā́s; and the loc. sing. tanúām (with anomalous accent). Accusative plural in īs and ūs are nowhere met with.
359. Adjective compounds from these words are very few; those which occur are declined like the simple stems: thus, híraṇyavāçīs andsahásrastarīs, átaptatanūs and sárvatanūs, all nom. sing. masculine.
Stems ending in diphthongs.
360. There are certain monosyllabic stems ending in diphthongs, which are far too few and too diverse in infliction to make a declension of, and which may be most appropriately disposed of here, in connection with the stems in ī and ū, with which they have most affinity. They are:
a. stems in āu: nāú and glāú;
b. stems in āi: rāí;
c. stems in o: gó and dyó (or dyú, dív).
361. a. The stem nāú f. ship is entirely regular, taking the normal endings throughout, and following the rules for monosyllabic accentuation (317)—except that the accus. pl. is said (it does not appear to occur in accented texts) to be like the nom. Thus: nāús,nā́vam, nāvā́, nāvé, nāvás, nāví; nā́vāu, nāubhyā́m, nāvós; nā́vas, nā́vas, nāubhís, nāubhyás, nāvā́m, nāuṣú. The stem glāú m. ball is apparently inflected in the same way; but few of its forms have been met with in use.
b. The stem rāí f. (or m.) wealth might be better described as rā with a union-consonant y (258) interposed before vowel endings, and is regularly inflected as such, with normal endings and monosyllabic accent. Thus: rā́s, rā́yam, rāyā́, rāyé, rāyás, rāyí; rā́yāu, rābhyā́m,rāyós; rā́yas, rāyás, rābhís, rābhyás, rāyā́m, rāsú. But in the Veda the accus. pl. is either rāyás or rā́yas; for accus. sing. and pl. are also used the briefer forms rām (RV. once: rā́yam does not occur in V.) and rā́s (SV., once); and the gen.-sing. is sometimes anomalously accented rā́yas.
c. The stem gó m. or f. bull or cow is much more irregular. In the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gāú, forming (like naú) gāús, gā́vāu, gā́vas. In accus. sing. and pl. it has (like rāí) the brief forms gā́m and gā́s. The abl.-gen. sing. is gós (as if from gu). The rest is regularly made from go, with the normal endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon the stem: thus,gávā, gáve, gávi, gávos, gávām; góbhyām, góbhis, góbhyas, góṣu. In the Veda, another form of the gen. pl. is gónam; the nom. etc. du. is (as in all other such cases) also gā́vā; and gā́m, gós, and gā́s are not infrequently to be pronounced as dissyllables. As acc. pl. is found a few times gāvas.
d. The stem dyó f. (but in V. usually m.) sky, day is yet more anomalous, having beside it a simpler stem dyu, which becomes div before a vowel-ending. The native grammarians treat the two as independent words, but it is more convenient to put them together. The stem dyóis inflected precisely like gó, as above described. The complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with in use bracketed):
e. The dat. sing. dyáve is not found in the early language. Both dívas and divás occur as accus. pl. in V. As nom. etc. du., dyā́vā is, as usual, the regular Vedic form: once occurs dyávī (du.), as if a neuter form; and dyāús is found once used as ablative. The casesdyāus, dyām and dyūn (once) are read in V. sometimes as dissyllables; and the first as accented vocative then becomes dyāùs (i.e. díāus: see 314).
f. Adjective compounds having a diphthongal stem as final member are not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus, from nāu we have bhinnanu; from go, several words like águ, saptágu, sugu, bor hugú (f. gū́ JB.); and, correspondingly, rāi seems to be reduced to ri in bṛhádraye and ṛdhádrayas (RV.). In derivation, go maintains its full form in gotra, agótā, -gava (f. -gavī), etc.; as first member of a compound, it is variously treated: thus, gávāçir, gáviṣṭi (but gaāçir, gaīṣṭi K.), etc.; goaçvá or go‘çva, góṛjīka,góopaça, etc. In certain compounds, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form: thus, dyāurdā (K.), dyāurloká (ÇB.), dyāúsaṁçita (AV.). Inrevánt (unless this is for rayivant) rāi becomes re. RV. has ádhrigāvas from ádhrigu (of questionable import); and AV. has ghṛtastā́vas, apparently accus. pl. of ghṛtastú or -stó.
B. Derivative stems in ā, ī, ū.
362. To this division belong all the ā and ī-stems which have not been specified above as belonging to the other or root-word division; and also, in the later language, most of the ī and ū-stems of the other division, by transfer to a more predominant mode of inflection. Thus:
1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine ā-stems, substantive and adjective.
b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself with little change through the whole history of the language, being almost precisely the same in the Vedas as later.
2. c. The great mass of derivative feminine ī-stems.
d. This class is without exception in the later language. In the earlier, it suffers the exception pointed out above (355 b): that feminines made with change of accent follow this mode of declension only when the accent is not on the ī́: thus, táviṣī, páruṣṇī,páliknī, róhiṇī.
e. The ī-stems of this division in general are regarded as made by contraction of an earlier ending in yā. Their inflection has become in the later language somewhat mixed with that of the other division, and so far different from the Vedic inflection: see below, 363 g.
f. Very few derivative stems in ī are recognized by the grammarians as declined like the root-division; the Vedic words of that class are, if retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection.
g. A very small number of masculine ī-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proper names, mā́talī etc.; and rā́ṣṭrī and sirī́ (only one case each).
3. h. The ū-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the other division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative ī-stems (except that they retain the ending s of the nom. sing.).
363. Endings. The points of distinction between this and the other division are as follows:
a. In nom. sing. the usually s-ending is wanting: except in the ū-stems and a very few ī-stems — namely, lakṣmī, tarī, tantrī, tandrī— which have preserved the ending of the other division.
b. The accus. sing. and pl. add simply m and s respectively.
c. The dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing. take always the fuller endings āi, ās, ām; and these are separated from the final of the ā-stems by an interposed y. In Brāhmaṇa etc., āi is generally substituted for ās (307 h).
d. Before the endings ā of instr. sing. and os of gen.-loc. du., the final of ā-stems is treated as if changed to e; but in the Veda, the instr. ending ā very often (in nearly half the occurrences) blends with the final to ā. The yā of ī-stems is in a few Vedic examples contracted to ī, and even to i. A loc. sing. in ī occurs a few times.
e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an ī- or ū-stem having acute final is thrown forward upon the ending. In the remaining case of the same class, the gen. pl., a n is always interposed between stems and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in RV., however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-stems).
f. In voc. sing., final ā becomes e; final ī and ū are shortened.
g. In nom.-acc.-voc. du. and nom. pl. appears in ī (and ū)-stems a marked difference between the earlier and later language, the latter borrowing the forms of the other division. The du. ending āu is unknown in RV., and very rare in AV.; the Vedic ending is ī (a corresponding dual of ū-stems does not occur). The regular later pl. ending as has only a doubtful example or two in RV., and a very small number in AV.; the case there (and it is one of very frequent occurrence) adds s simply; and though yas-forms occur in the Brāhmaṇas, along with īs-forms, both are used rather indifferently as nom. and accus. (as, indeed, they sometimes interchange also in the epics). Of ā-stems, the du. nom. etc. ends in e, both earlier and later; in pl., of course, s-forms are indistinguishable from as-forms. The RV. has a few examples of āsas for ās.
h. The remaining cases call for no remark.
364. Examples of declension. As models of the inflection of derivative stems ending in long vowels, we may take सेना sénā f. army;कन्याkanyā̀ f. girl;देवी devī́ f. goddess;वधू vadhū́ f. woman.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
a. In the Veda vadhū́ is a stem belonging to the other division (like tanū́, above, 356).
365. Examples of Vedic forms are:
a. ā-stems: instr. sing. manīṣā́ (this simpler form is especially common from stems in tā and iā); nom. pl. vaçā́sas (about twenty examples); accus. pl. araṁgamā́sas (a case or two). Half the bhyas-cases are to be read as bhias; the ām of gen. pl. is a few times to be resolved into aam; and the ā and ām of nom. accus. sing. are, very rarely, to be treated in the same manner.
b. ī-stems: instr. sing. çámī, çámi; loc. gaurī́; nom. etc. du. devī́; nom. pl. devī́s; gen. pl. bahvīnā́m. The final of the stem is to be read as a vowel (not y) frequently, but not in the majority of instances: thus, deviā́, deviā́s, deviā́m, ródasios.
c. The sporadic instances of transfer between this division and the preceding have been already sufficiently noticed.
d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brāhmaṇa language (307 g, 336 g, 363 c) of the dat. sing. ending ai for the gen.-abl. endingās, in all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few examples may be given here: abhibhūtyāi rūpam (AB.) a sign of overpowering; triṣṭubhaç ca jagatyāi ca (AB.) of the metres triṣṭubh and jagati; vāco dāivyāi ca mānuṣyāi ca (AA.) of speech, both divine and human; striyāi payaḥ (AB.) woman's milk; dhenvāí vā́ etád rétaḥ (TB.) that, forsooth, is the seed of the cow; jīrṇāyāi tvacaḥ(KB.) of dead skin; jyāyasī yājyāyāi (AB.) superior to the yājyā; asyāi divo ‘smād antarikṣāt (ÇÇS.) from this heaven, from this atmosphere. The same substitution is made once in the AV.: thus, svápantv asyāi jñātáyaḥ let her relatives sleep.
366. The noun strī́ f. woman (probably contracted from sūtrī́ generatrix), follows a mixed declension: thus, strī́, stríyam or strī́m,striyā́, striyāí, striyā́s, striyā́m, strí; stríyāu, strībhyā́m, striyós; stríyas, stríyas or strī́s, strībhís, strībhyás, strīṇā́m,strīṣú (but the accusatives strī́m and strī́s are not found in the older language, and the voc. stri is not quotable). The accentuation is that of a root-word; the forms (conspicuously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or derivative division.
367. a. The occurrence of original adjectives in long final vowels, and of compounds having as final member a stem of the first division, has been sufficiently treated above, so far as masculine and feminine forms are concerned. To form a neuter stem in composition, the rule of the later language is that the final long vowel be shortened; and the stem so made is to be inflected like an adjective in i or u (339, 341, 344).
b. Such neuter forms are very rare, and in the older language almost unknown. Of neuters from ī-stems have been noted in the Veda onlyhariçríyam, acc. sing. (a masc. form), and suādhías, gen. sing. (same as mac. and fem.); from ū-stems, only a few examples, and from stem-forms which might be masc. and fem. also: thus, vibhú, subhú, etc. (nom.-acc. sing.: compare 354); supúā and mayobhúvā, instr. sing.; and mayobhú, acc. pl. (compare purú: 342 k); from ā-stems occur only half-a-dozen examples of a nom. sing. in ās, like the masc. and fem. form.
c. Compounds having nouns of the second division as final member are common only from derivatives in ā; and these shorten the final to ain both masculine and neuter: thus, from a not and prajā progeny come the masc. and neut. stem apraja, fem. aprajā childless. Such compounds with nouns in ī and ū are said to be inflected in masc. and fem. like the simple words (only with īn and ūn in acc. pl. masc.); but the examples given by the grammarians are fictitious.
d. Stems with shortened final are occasionally met with: thus, ekapatni, āttalakṣmi; and such adverbs (neut. sing. accus.) as upabhāimi,abhyujjayini. The stem strī is directed to be shortened to stri for all genders.
368. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm, for all genders, of an adjective stem in अ a. We take for the purpose पाप pāpá evil, of which the feminine is usually made in आ ā in the later language , but in ई ī in the older.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
Stems in ऋ ṛ (or अर् ar).
369. This declension is a comparatively limited one, being almost entirely composed of derivative nouns formed with the suffix तृ tṛ (or तर् tar), which makes masculine nomina agentis (used also participially), and a few nouns of relationship.
a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made with that suffix: namely devṛ́ m., svásṛ and nánāndṛ f.; and besides these,nṛ́ m., stṛ́ (in V.) m., usṛ́ (in V.) f., savyaṣṭhṛ m., and the feminine numerals tisṛ and catasṛ (for which, see 482 e, g). The feminines in tṛ are only mātṛ́, duhitṛ́, and yā́tṛ.
b. The inflection of these stems is quite closely analogous with that of stems in i and u (second declension); its peculiarity, as compared with them, consists mainly in the treatment of the stem itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in the weak ones.
370. Forms of the Stem. In the weak cases (excepting the loc. sing.) the stem-final is ṛ, which in the weakest cases, or before a vowel-ending, is changed regularly to r (129). But as regards the strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in one of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the nomina agentis, and also the nouns of relationship náptṛ and svásṛ, and the irregular words stṛ́ and savyaṣṭhṛ — the ṛ is vriddhied, or becomes ār; in the other, containing most of the nouns of relationship, with nṛ́ and usṛ́, the ṛ is gunated, or changed to ar. In both classes, the loc. sing. has ar as stem-final.
371. Endings: These are in general the normal, but with the following exceptions:
a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fem.) ends always in ā (for original ars or ārs). The voc. sing. ends in ar.
b. The accus. sing. adds am to the (strengthened) stem; the accus. pl. has (like i- and u-stems) n as masc. ending and s as fem. ending, with the ṛ lengthened before them.
c. The abl.-gen. sing. changes ṛ to ur (or us: 169 b).
d. The gen. pl. (as in i and u-stems) inserts n before ām, and lengthens the stem-final before it. But the ṛ of nṛ́ may also remain short.
e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older presents certain deviations from them. Thus:
f. The ending in nom.-acc.-voc. du. is (as universally in the Veda) regularly ā instead of āu (only ten āu-forms in RV.).
g. The i of loc. sing. is lengthened to ī in a few words: thus, kartárī.
h. In the gen. pl., the RV. has once svásrām, without inserted n; and narā́m instead of nṛṇā́m is frequent.
i. Other irregularities of nṛ́ are the sing. dat. náre, gen. náras, and loc. nári. The Veda writes always nṛṇā́m in gen. pl., but its ṛis in a majority of cases metrically long.
j. The stem usṛ́ f. dawn has the voc. sing. uṣar, the gen. sing. usrás; and the accus. pl. also usrás, and loc. sing. usrā́m (which is metrically trisyllable: usṛā́m), as if in analogy with ī and ū-stems. Once occurs usrí in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if the regular trisyllable form, uṣúri (for the exchange of s and ṣ, see 181 a).
k. From stṛ́ come only tā́ras (apparently) and stṛ́bhis.
l. In the gen.-loc. du., the r is almost always to be read as a separate syllable, ṛ, before the ending os: thus, pitṛós, etc. On the contrary, nánāndari is once to be read nánāndri.
m. For neuter forms, see below, 375.
372. Accent. The accentuation follows closely the rules for i- and u-stems: if on the final of the stem, it continues, as acute, on the corresponding syllable throughout, except in the gen. pl., where it may be (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward upon the ending; where, in the weakest cases, ṛ becomes r, the ending has the accent. The two monosyllabic stems, nṛ́ and stṛ́, do not show the monosyllabic accent: thus (besides the forms already given above), nṛ́bhis, nṛ́ṣu.
373. Examples of declension. As models of this mode of inflection, we may take from the first case (with आर् ār in the strong forms) the stems दातृ dātṛ́ m. giver andस्वसृ svásṛ f. sister; from the second class (with अर् ar in the strong forms), the stem पितृ pitṛ́ m. father.
N. A. V.
I. D. Ab.
a. The feminine stem मातृ mātṛ́, mother, is inflected precisely like पितृ pitṛ́, excepting that its accusative plural is मातॄस् mātṝ́s.
b. The peculiar Vedic forms have been sufficiently instanced above; the only ones of other than sporadic occurrence being the nom. etc. du. dātā́rā, svásārā, pitárā, and the gen. pl. of nṛ, narā́m.
c. The nom. pl. forms pitaras and mātaras etc. are found used also as accus. in the epics.
374. The stem kroṣṭṛ́ m. jackal (lit'ly howler) substitutes in the middle cases the corresponding forms of króṣṭu.
375. Neuter forms. The grammarians prescribe a complete neuter declension also for bases in tṛ, precisely accordant with that of vā́rior mádhu (above, 339, 341). Thus, fo